Overall, measures of optimism and control are the strongest predictors of trust
in both different ethnic groups and different religions: People who believe that life will be better
for the next generation, are satisfied with their lives now, and who believe that hard work (rather
than luck) is the key to success are more trusting. But there is no connection between support
networks and generalized trust: How often people borrow from neighbors or relatives or give
support to relatives or neighbors does not shape generalized trust.
There are very weak relations between trust in governmental institutions such
as the courts and politicians and generalized trust (cf. Gibson 2001; Mishler and Rose 2001). But
we do see some greater support than before for Rothstein’s argument that institutions matter.
People who are satisfied with how democracy works are substantially more trusting in others
(though this may also be a measure of optimism). People who feel that the courts treat people
fairly are much more trusting than those who see special favors. It is not simple faith in the
courts but rather perceptions of fairness that matter. How to devise neutral institutions in the
absence of generalized trust remains problematic, especially since people who say that it is
important for a good citizen to obey the law are significantly less likely to trust people of
different religions. Trusting people long for a more equitable legal system, but they recognize
that people must make do any way they can under the present regime. Ethnic Romanians are far
less likely to trust people of different ethnic groups or different religions than either Roma or
ethnic Hungarians. Hungarians in particular are more likely to see the legal system as biased
against them, so reforming the legal system is far more than a question of institutional design.
Rothstein is correct in forging a link between confidence in the legal system
and generalized trust for countries making the transition to Communism. In both the WVS and
CID data sets, we find significant effects for evaluations of the legal system on generalized trust.
In the WVS, the effect of confidence in the law on trust is modest - it is insignificant in the CID
estimations, dwarfed by the perceptions that the courts do not treat people equally. But
Romanians do not make Rothstein’s hypothesized link between corruption and trust. Romanians
are disturbed by corruption. But they do not let it dominate their view of fellow citizens. Corrupt
government is the scourge of the elite, not the masses.
Convention