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Rashomon Goes to Rwanda: Alternative Accounts of Political Violence and Their Implications for Analysis and Policy
Unformatted Document Text:  Rashomon Goes to Rwanda 39 It is further expected that no Hutu would be engaged in collecting information about deaths – at least not openly. We have not yet identified any Hutu organization that has collected information; in a sense, to the victims and later victims go the enumeration. The View from Outside. If one were interested in assessing the Rwandan genocide from abroad (such as Human Rights Watch, African Rights or Physicians for Human Rights) they would be less overtly hindered by Rwandan authorities than indirectly hindered as their access to eyewitnesses would be limited or their local guides avoided areas and topics of considerable controversy. Now, it is clear that these types of organizations bring with them a certain degree of capital and prestige (if a government were attempting to improve it’s image, then they would clearly assist them) but given the temporary nature of the investigatory operations that are being discussed here it is unclear how much access or how deeply such an effort would be. There is likely less of an interest in the distribution of killing across ethnicities for this group than the others but at the same time there is less of a capability in ascertaining differences. This is simply a constant difficult for outsiders trying to peer in. Structuring Rashomon We provide our insights into the structure of trace evidence in the Rwandan case below. Here, we see that the Rwandan government serves as a primary conduit for much activity. They have relationships with all domestic

Authors: stam, allan. and Davenport, Christian.
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Rashomon Goes to Rwanda
39
It is further expected that no Hutu would be engaged in collecting
information about deaths – at least not openly. We have not yet identified any
Hutu organization that has collected information; in a sense, to the victims and
later victims go the enumeration.
The View from Outside. If one were interested in assessing the Rwandan
genocide from abroad (such as Human Rights Watch, African Rights or
Physicians for Human Rights) they would be less overtly hindered by Rwandan
authorities than indirectly hindered as their access to eyewitnesses would be
limited or their local guides avoided areas and topics of considerable
controversy. Now, it is clear that these types of organizations bring with them a
certain degree of capital and prestige (if a government were attempting to
improve it’s image, then they would clearly assist them) but given the temporary
nature of the investigatory operations that are being discussed here it is unclear
how much access or how deeply such an effort would be.
There is likely less of an interest in the distribution of killing across ethnicities
for this group than the others but at the same time there is less of a capability in
ascertaining differences. This is simply a constant difficult for outsiders trying to
peer in.
Structuring Rashomon
We provide our insights into the structure of trace evidence in the
Rwandan case below. Here, we see that the Rwandan government serves as a
primary conduit for much activity. They have relationships with all domestic


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