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Debating Consociational Politics: Normative and Explanatory Arguments
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settlements may involve defining the state as multi-national, recognizing national minorities as well as majorities, referendums to ratify such settlements in more than one jurisdiction, or mechanisms to trigger referendums. Second, they are political settlements that simultaneously involve peace processes – mechanisms, confidence-building measures, and institutional and policy transformations that are intended to halt conflict and to terminate future violent recurrences.
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They therefore involve the restructuring of security systems and
measures intended to end secessionist (and anti-secessionist) paramilitarism, as well as new human rights protection mechanisms. Third, these settlements involve at least one other conflict-regulating strategy or principle in their design. This is most obvious in cases that combine consociation and territorial autonomy, as is illustrated by the attempted settlements in Northern Ireland and Bosnia- Herzegovina. The point, however, requires further elaboration. “Complex” consociations involve at least one additional strategy other than consociation. Excluding those strategies to which no minority community’s leaders would freely give their assent - namely, genocide, expulsion, assimilation and control - in practice this means that “complex” consociations involve the combination of consociational strategies with one or more other strategies, e.g. territorial autonomy, arbitration, integration, and possibly down-sizing. Consociations, for example, may be combined with territorial autonomy. Northern Ireland has autonomy from Westminster. The federation of Bosnia-Herzegovina has internal territorial autonomy for Serbs, Bosniacs, and Croats. Macedonia will have territorial autonomy for Macedonian Albanians. Consociations may have arbitration mechanisms for resolving disputes between the partners, such as impartial courts, commissions, international judges, or international commissions. Consociations may have elements of integration, such as common citizenship and equality laws, and constitutional and institutional designs that permit the voluntary integration of communities. And, not least, they may have mechanisms that enable the secession of the relevant unit of consociational governance, or, alternatively, a procedure for enabling the central state to “down-size.” Northern Ireland illustrates this point, but, by contrast, there is no such provision in the cases of Bosnia-Herzegovina or Macedonia.
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John Darby and Roger MacGinty, eds., The Management of Peace Processes (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2000).
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| | Authors: O'Leary, Brendan. |
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39
settlements may involve defining the state as multi-national, recognizing national minorities
as well as majorities, referendums to ratify such settlements in more than one jurisdiction, or
mechanisms to trigger referendums. Second, they are political settlements that
simultaneously involve peace processes – mechanisms, confidence-building measures, and
institutional and policy transformations that are intended to halt conflict and to terminate
future violent recurrences.
70
They therefore involve the restructuring of security systems and
measures intended to end secessionist (and anti-secessionist) paramilitarism, as well as new
human rights protection mechanisms. Third, these settlements involve at least one other
conflict-regulating strategy or principle in their design. This is most obvious in cases that
combine consociation and territorial autonomy, as is illustrated by the attempted settlements
in Northern Ireland and Bosnia- Herzegovina. The point, however, requires further
elaboration.
“Complex” consociations involve at least one additional strategy other than consociation.
Excluding those strategies to which no minority community’s leaders would freely give their
assent - namely, genocide, expulsion, assimilation and control - in practice this means that
“complex” consociations involve the combination of consociational strategies with one or
more other strategies, e.g. territorial autonomy, arbitration, integration, and possibly down-
sizing. Consociations, for example, may be combined with territorial autonomy. Northern
Ireland has autonomy from Westminster. The federation of Bosnia-Herzegovina has internal
territorial autonomy for Serbs, Bosniacs, and Croats. Macedonia will have territorial
autonomy for Macedonian Albanians. Consociations may have arbitration mechanisms for
resolving disputes between the partners, such as impartial courts, commissions, international
judges, or international commissions. Consociations may have elements of integration, such
as common citizenship and equality laws, and constitutional and institutional designs that
permit the voluntary integration of communities. And, not least, they may have mechanisms
that enable the secession of the relevant unit of consociational governance, or, alternatively, a
procedure for enabling the central state to “down-size.” Northern Ireland illustrates this
point, but, by contrast, there is no such provision in the cases of Bosnia-Herzegovina or
Macedonia.
70
John Darby and Roger MacGinty, eds., The Management of Peace Processes (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2000).
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