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Partisanship and Contested Election Cases in the House of Representatives, 1789-2002
Unformatted Document Text:  28 a majority presence in the former-Confederate South between the 40th and 43rd Congresses (1867-75), which was accomplished almost wholly through the standard electoral process: only 7 of the 150 Republican seats (or 4.7 percent) resulted from contested elections. [Table 6 about here] After the Democrats returned to power nationally, and the troops were pulled out of the South, the Republicans’ share of seats dropped off substantially. For the most part, without the help of the contested election procedure, the Republicans learned quickly that they could only count on single digits in the former Confederacy. Thus, on the next five occasions when the Republicans controlled the House, in the 47th (1881-83), 51st (1889-91), 54th (1895-97), 55th (1897-99), and 56th (1899-1901) Congresses, contested elections became a major tool to boost the party’s seat totals. Of the 56 seats that the Republicans controlled during these five Congresses, twenty (or 40 percent) came directly via election contests. The End of Contested Elections as a Partisan Tool After the 56th Congress (1899-1901), the use of contested elections as a partisan tool ended abruptly. The Republicans would maintain their majority status in the next five Congresses, yet not a single Republican seat was added in the South via election contests. What accounts for this change? Two complementary explanations can be provided. First, while the contested election process produced additional Republican seats in the South and was backed by prominent party leaders like President Benjamin Harrison, many Republicans were not enthusiastic about its continued use as a partisan device. One very vocal opponent was Thomas B. Reed, Republican Speaker of the House in the 51st (1889-91), 54th (1895-97), and 55th (1897-99) Congresses. Reed believed that the contested election process was a tremendous waste of resources for the

Authors: Jenkins, Jeffery.
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28
a majority presence in the former-Confederate South between the 40th and 43rd Congresses
(1867-75), which was accomplished almost wholly through the standard electoral process: only 7
of the 150 Republican seats (or 4.7 percent) resulted from contested elections.
[Table 6 about here]
After the Democrats returned to power nationally, and the troops were pulled out of the
South, the Republicans’ share of seats dropped off substantially. For the most part, without the
help of the contested election procedure, the Republicans learned quickly that they could only
count on single digits in the former Confederacy. Thus, on the next five occasions when the
Republicans controlled the House, in the 47th
(1881-83), 51st (1889-91), 54th (1895-97), 55th
(1897-99), and 56th (1899-1901) Congresses, contested elections became a major tool to boost
the party’s seat totals. Of the 56 seats that the Republicans controlled during these five
Congresses, twenty (or 40 percent) came directly via election contests.

The End of Contested Elections as a Partisan Tool

After the 56th Congress (1899-1901), the use of contested elections as a partisan tool
ended abruptly. The Republicans would maintain their majority status in the next five
Congresses, yet not a single Republican seat was added in the South via election contests. What
accounts for this change?
Two complementary explanations can be provided. First, while the contested election
process produced additional Republican seats in the South and was backed by prominent party
leaders like President Benjamin Harrison, many Republicans were not enthusiastic about its
continued use as a partisan device. One very vocal opponent was Thomas B. Reed, Republican
Speaker of the House in the 51st (1889-91), 54th (1895-97), and 55th
(1897-99) Congresses.
Reed believed that the contested election process was a tremendous waste of resources for the


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