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Partisanship and Contested Election Cases in the House of Representatives, 1789-2002
Unformatted Document Text:  2 In addition to generating a complete accounting of all contested election cases in the House from the 1st through 107th Congresses (1789-2002), I also begin to examine the distribution of cases across time as well as the determinants of decision making. In doing so, I investigate the chief claim regarding contested elections that appears in the historical literature: that partisanship has been a (and sometimes the) guiding force in determining outcomes in contested election cases. The evidence mustered to support this claim is often sketchy. Some evidence, which is considered quite compelling, is rather anecdotal in nature. For example, the following two quotations, the first from Henry L. Dawes, the Chairman of the Committee on Elections at the time, and Thomas B. Reed, the Speaker of the House at the time, are often cited when making the claim for partisanship: All traces of a judicial character in these proceedings are fast fading away, and the precedents are losing all sanction. Each case is coming to be a mere partisan struggle. At the dictate of party majorities the committee must fight, not follow, the law and the evidence; and he will best meet the expectations of his appointment who can put on the record the best reasons for the course thus pursued. This tendency is so manifest to those in a situation to observe, that it has ceased to be questioned, and is now but little resisted. There is no tyranny like that of majorities, and efforts in the past to resist them, and to hold the judgments of the Committee of Elections up above the dirty pool of party politics, have encountered such bitter and unsparing denunciations, and such rebuke for treason to party fealty, that they are not likely often to be repeated (Dawes 1870, p. 64). 4 The decision of election cases invariably increases the majority of the party which organizes the House, and which herefore appoints the majority of the Committee on Elections (Reed 1890, p. 114). 5 Other evidence, collected by Rammelkamp (1905), Alexander (1916), Barnett (1939), and Dempsey (1956), is based on results from the contested-election cases themselves; these studies 4 Dawes presented this paper at the general meeting of the Social Science Association, held in New York City, on October 26, 1869. 5 Reed’s article was published in the July 1890 issue of the North American Review. To strengthen his point about the role of partisanship, Reed states: “Probably there is not a single instance on record where the minority was increased by the decision of contested cases” (114). This was not true. In fact, prior to Reed’s statement, sitting majority party members had been unseated by minority party claimants on ten separate occasions: once each in 1794, 1821, 1822, 1872, 1873, 1874, 1875, 1881, 1883, and 1885.

Authors: Jenkins, Jeffery.
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2
In addition to generating a complete accounting of all contested election cases in the
House from the 1st through 107th Congresses (1789-2002), I also begin to examine the
distribution of cases across time as well as the determinants of decision making. In doing so, I
investigate the chief claim regarding contested elections that appears in the historical literature:
that partisanship has been a (and sometimes the) guiding force in determining outcomes in
contested election cases. The evidence mustered to support this claim is often sketchy. Some
evidence, which is considered quite compelling, is rather anecdotal in nature. For example, the
following two quotations, the first from Henry L. Dawes, the Chairman of the Committee on
Elections at the time, and Thomas B. Reed, the Speaker of the House at the time, are often cited
when making the claim for partisanship:
All traces of a judicial character in these proceedings are fast fading away, and the
precedents are losing all sanction. Each case is coming to be a mere partisan
struggle. At the dictate of party majorities the committee must fight, not follow,
the law and the evidence; and he will best meet the expectations of his
appointment who can put on the record the best reasons for the course thus
pursued. This tendency is so manifest to those in a situation to observe, that it has
ceased to be questioned, and is now but little resisted. There is no tyranny like
that of majorities, and efforts in the past to resist them, and to hold the judgments
of the Committee of Elections up above the dirty pool of party politics, have
encountered such bitter and unsparing denunciations, and such rebuke for treason
to party fealty, that they are not likely often to be repeated (Dawes 1870, p. 64).
4
The decision of election cases invariably increases the majority of the party which
organizes the House, and which herefore appoints the majority of the Committee
on Elections (Reed 1890, p. 114).
5

Other evidence, collected by Rammelkamp (1905), Alexander (1916), Barnett (1939), and
Dempsey (1956), is based on results from the contested-election cases themselves; these studies
4
Dawes presented this paper at the general meeting of the Social Science Association, held in New York City, on
October 26, 1869.
5
Reed’s article was published in the July 1890 issue of the North American Review. To strengthen his point about
the role of partisanship, Reed states: “Probably there is not a single instance on record where the minority was
increased by the decision of contested cases” (114). This was not true. In fact, prior to Reed’s statement, sitting
majority party members had been unseated by minority party claimants on ten separate occasions: once each in
1794, 1821, 1822, 1872, 1873, 1874, 1875, 1881, 1883, and 1885.


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