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GEORGE W. BUSH: CHALLENGES OF A WARTIME PRESIDENT
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Conclusions
War confronts presidents with a set of distinctive challenges. Particularly in the
case of mounting a sudden response to an unexpected assault, administrations run the risk of severe disruption and dislocation. We have drawn on the presidency literature and journalistic discussions to identify five such challenges and evaluated how effectively the administration of George W. Bush has contended with them. Although the record is mixed, the administration
’s performance has generally been positive.
It took the administration most of a year to develop an effective response to the
new agenda issues of homeland security and the prosecution of terrorists though its policies remain both unproven and controversial. Rather than allowing these new issues to completely displace its pre-9/11 programmatic agenda, the administration found ways to direct attention and energy back to these priorities even while preparing for a second stage in the war on terrorism—regime change in Iraq . Thus, short- term response was successfully blended with long-term focus.
It is difficult to disentangle the administration’s economic strategy in the wake of
9/11 from its larger economic program of massive tax reductions. And that is precisely the point: the administration did not retreat from its earlier policies even in the face of mounting budget deficits exacerbated by military action in Afghanistan and Iraq. The economic recovery has proceeded slowly despite monetary and fiscal policies of historic stimulative proportions. In short, this remains an enormous policy gamble that has been consciously chosen by the Bush administration when a retreat would have been politically possible. As we learned from the Vietnam War experience, short- and long-term effects of wartime economic action and inaction can be quite different.
Politically, the administration has established a relatively successful record in
maintaining public approval, although not without missteps and potential landmines for the future. Presidential approval has eroded from the historic highs registered in the immediate aftermath of 9/11 as the public reacts to continued military casualties,questions about the credibility of administration justifications for military action, and an American occupation of uncertain duration. Nonetheless, the president met the expectations for inspirational rhetoric in the weeks following 9/11, pursued a bold strategy to buttress the administration’s position in Congress during the 2002 mid-term elections, and successfully launched the re-election campaign. Highly partisan political messages contrasted sharply with the unifying, above-politics rhetoric of the earlier period, and it remains unclear how images from Bush’s role as commander-in-chief will play when used for political purposes in 2004.
Bush’s performance as commander-in-chief remains a White House image
construct, largely emphasizing the conventional hands-off model but also suggestive of the revisionist hands-on model. Not enough detail has emerged to give us grounds for a confident assessment, though the early readings have been favorable. Even at this point, it is tempting to give the president relatively high marks for learning techniques during the action in Afghanistan that strengthened his own and the administration’s performance in Iraq. Although strains in traditional alliances have not yet fully healed and may prove to be most costly in the long-run, the administration’s greatest misstep seems to have been in overselling the imminent threat posed by Saddam Hussein. In the short-run,
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| | Authors: Maltese, John. and Pika, Joseph. |
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19
Conclusions
War confronts presidents with a set of distinctive challenges. Particularly in the
case of mounting a sudden response to an unexpected assault, administrations run the risk of severe disruption and dislocation. We have drawn on the presidency literature and journalistic discussions to identify five such challenges and evaluated how effectively the administration of George W. Bush has contended with them. Although the record is mixed, the administration
’s performance has generally been positive.
It took the administration most of a year to develop an effective response to the
new agenda issues of homeland security and the prosecution of terrorists though its policies remain both unproven and controversial. Rather than allowing these new issues to completely displace its pre-9/11 programmatic agenda, the administration found ways to direct attention and energy back to these priorities even while preparing for a second stage in the war on terrorism—regime change in Iraq . Thus, short- term response was successfully blended with long-term focus.
It is difficult to disentangle the administration’s economic strategy in the wake of
9/11 from its larger economic program of massive tax reductions. And that is precisely the point: the administration did not retreat from its earlier policies even in the face of mounting budget deficits exacerbated by military action in Afghanistan and Iraq. The economic recovery has proceeded slowly despite monetary and fiscal policies of historic stimulative proportions. In short, this remains an enormous policy gamble that has been consciously chosen by the Bush administration when a retreat would have been politically possible. As we learned from the Vietnam War experience, short- and long- term effects of wartime economic action and inaction can be quite different.
Politically, the administration has established a relatively successful record in
maintaining public approval, although not without missteps and potential landmines for the future. Presidential approval has eroded from the historic highs registered in the immediate aftermath of 9/11 as the public reacts to continued military casualties, questions about the credibility of administration justifications for military action, and an American occupation of uncertain duration. Nonetheless, the president met the expectations for inspirational rhetoric in the weeks following 9/11, pursued a bold strategy to buttress the administration’s position in Congress during the 2002 mid-term elections, and successfully launched the re-election campaign. Highly partisan political messages contrasted sharply with the unifying, above-politics rhetoric of the earlier period, and it remains unclear how images from Bush’s role as commander-in-chief will play when used for political purposes in 2004.
Bush’s performance as commander-in-chief remains a White House image
construct, largely emphasizing the conventional hands-off model but also suggestive of the revisionist hands-on model. Not enough detail has emerged to give us grounds for a confident assessment, though the early readings have been favorable. Even at this point, it is tempting to give the president relatively high marks for learning techniques during the action in Afghanistan that strengthened his own and the administration’s performance in Iraq. Although strains in traditional alliances have not yet fully healed and may prove to be most costly in the long-run, the administration’s greatest misstep seems to have been in overselling the imminent threat posed by Saddam Hussein. In the short-run,
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