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areas (McMahon 2002:30-47, Democratic Union of Women). Functioning largely thanks to funds
obtained from the network of Western NGOs, these organizations have sought to empower women
not only to be self-reliant as in the case of Kenya, but also to encourage participation in politics.
The Democratic Union of Women (DUW), for example, has tried to achieve this objective by
holding special sessions on different days of the week where they explain to women what they need
to do to obtain a job, what rights they hold as citizens, and even what kind of diet is beneficial for a
woman (DUW). One of the main goals of this NGO has been active promotion of women
involvement in local government, here again, pursued through educational seminars. The operation
is largely conducted by addressing the population directly as opposed to becoming active in
shaping governmental policy. This supposed detachment from the government does not mean that
NGOs are opposing the government or effectively lobbying for reforms. The DUW staff, for
example, has met with the Polish Prime Minister and has ties with Social Democrats. Thus it
appears that DUW has political connections, but has not been able to utilize them at the national
level.
Turning to our first hypothesis, we find that women NGOs in Poland and specifically the
DUW, have failed to provide local benefits and consequently have been unable to attract
membership necessary to carry out a larger political agenda. A few women NGOs have been
successful, to some degree, in providing economic assistance to women, mostly in finding jobs
(Bak, Kulawczuk, Szczesniak 2000). Yet these NGOs have not been successful in politically
mobilizing the women. The membership size has remained below 1000 and lacking solid
membership base and credible leadership, the organizations have also failed in lobbying the
government. Why has this been the case? First, many of the NGOs that receive international
funding are also asked to implement programs that fit cultural norms found in the funding