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Saving the World from Big Tobacco: A Case Study of NGO Coalition Building
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highly popular. By the time the treaty closed for signatures, 168 countries had signed,approximately 90% of the possible countries and the 40
th
ratification was secured on
November 30, 2004. The treaty went into effect on February 28, 2005.
One could argue that the U.S. failure to impose its will in this case results from thesecondary importance of this treaty to the Bush Administration, which does not opposepublic health per se; but it merely gave primary concern to the trading freedom of one ofits largest exporters instead. Thus, the loss did not undermine important Administrationobjectives.
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One could also posit that timing played a major role in the force with which the opposingcountries held firm. INB-6, when the final coming together of resolve and frustrationproduced a strong treaty, was during the weeks leading up to the second Iraq war. It isfair to suggest that many countries took out their anger and feelings of impotence at beingunable to avert U.S. plans to invade Iraq with an anti-U.S. vote during this negotiation.
Finally, although U.S. desires were thwarted in much of the final language of the treaty,in those areas that were most central to U.S. needs because they implicated areas overand above tobacco, for example the language on trade, the U.S. either prevailed or wasable to practice significant damage control. The final negotiated outcome on trade--basically silence with pro health preambulatory language-- did not achieve U.S. goals oftrade primacy language but it did thwart the desired language favored by the vastmajority of delegates for health primacy language.
Nonetheless, the final treaty represents a significant step forward for global public health,both in the provisions contained in the document and the catalyst it provided to energizeand unite a new civil society force for change. Whether it represents a significant defeatfor U.S. policy is yet to be determined but for the countries involved in this negotiation,and the civil society that supported them, the defeat was real and justly deserved.
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It could also be argued equally as well that the US interest in the promotion of international health, as in
AIDs as well as the tobacco pandemic, will always be trumped by its overriding determination to preservethe freedom of its exporting multinationals, even if that export is the source of mass death and disease. Inaddition, the Bush Administration continues to put its own perceived interests ahead of internationalconcerns. Its failure to attend an important review conference on the 1997 international treaty on landmines because it could not justify the expense suggests that it has withdrawn further from positiveinternational relations. See “U.S. won’t attend international conference on land mines,” Gedda, G, APnewswire, November 26, 2004.
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| | Authors: Wilkenfeld, Judith. |
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27
highly popular. By the time the treaty closed for signatures, 168 countries had signed, approximately 90% of the possible countries and the 40
th
ratification was secured on
November 30, 2004. The treaty went into effect on February 28, 2005.
One could argue that the U.S. failure to impose its will in this case results from the secondary importance of this treaty to the Bush Administration, which does not oppose public health per se; but it merely gave primary concern to the trading freedom of one of its largest exporters instead. Thus, the loss did not undermine important Administration objectives.
68
One could also posit that timing played a major role in the force with which the opposing countries held firm. INB-6, when the final coming together of resolve and frustration produced a strong treaty, was during the weeks leading up to the second Iraq war. It is fair to suggest that many countries took out their anger and feelings of impotence at being unable to avert U.S. plans to invade Iraq with an anti-U.S. vote during this negotiation.
Finally, although U.S. desires were thwarted in much of the final language of the treaty, in those areas that were most central to U.S. needs because they implicated areas over and above tobacco, for example the language on trade, the U.S. either prevailed or was able to practice significant damage control. The final negotiated outcome on trade-- basically silence with pro health preambulatory language-- did not achieve U.S. goals of trade primacy language but it did thwart the desired language favored by the vast majority of delegates for health primacy language.
Nonetheless, the final treaty represents a significant step forward for global public health, both in the provisions contained in the document and the catalyst it provided to energize and unite a new civil society force for change. Whether it represents a significant defeat for U.S. policy is yet to be determined but for the countries involved in this negotiation, and the civil society that supported them, the defeat was real and justly deserved.
68
It could also be argued equally as well that the US interest in the promotion of international health, as in
AIDs as well as the tobacco pandemic, will always be trumped by its overriding determination to preserve the freedom of its exporting multinationals, even if that export is the source of mass death and disease. In addition, the Bush Administration continues to put its own perceived interests ahead of international concerns. Its failure to attend an important review conference on the 1997 international treaty on land mines because it could not justify the expense suggests that it has withdrawn further from positive international relations. See “U.S. won’t attend international conference on land mines,” Gedda, G, AP newswire, November 26, 2004.
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