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Victory and Defeat in International Relations
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never took the main building), but in the minds of many Americans, it engendered an image ofsignificant U.S. failure. If an observer’s metric for success was stability in South Vietnam,observers could see on their televisions that the very bastion of the U.S. presence, within asupposedly safe city, was swarming with the enemy, with the implication being that the wholecountry was overrun. Similarly, the particular way in which the Dunkirk evacuation in 1940 wascarried out increased the favorable impression of the operation. If the Royal Navy had simplypicked up the troops according to standard military procedures it would have looked like a fairlytypical retreat. The fact that the evacuation was partly carried out with a flotilla of volunteerssailing small vessels from England to rescue the desperate men, created a heroic image of theplucky British population uniting to defy the German war machine. In 1983, observers judgedReagan’s intervention in Grenada to be a significant success only after they saw images ofrescued American medical students joyfully returning home to the U.S., kissing American soil atthe base of the aircraft steps, images which were followed by the president making his case formilitary action.
32
Daniel Kahneman and others have shown that when people look back on
events, their memory of the event is equivalent to the worst (or best) part, and what it was like atthe end. They do not remember the average, the duration, the day-to-day emotions at the time, orthe variation in the experience. Hence, a dramatic and salient negative peak experience, and thena final image of defeat, is likely to encourage one to remember the episode as one of consistentfailure.
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The rally phenomenon
Dramatic and violent events also tend to create a “rally” phenomenon, whereby support for thepresident predictably increases, as do evaluations of his job performance, whether the eventsthemselves are favorable to the leader or not. Most rallies are caused by sudden crises, althoughnot all crises produce rallies, particularly if elites fail to halt their criticism of the president.
34
Following the U.S.-backed invasion of Cuba by Cuban exiles at the Bay of Pigs in 1961 therewas a 5% increase in approval for President Kennedy despite it being a fiasco. Richard Brodyconcludes: “In aggregate terms, a lack of critical opinion leadership can outweigh even relativelyunambiguous evidence of policy failure and hence pave the way for positive evaluations ofpresidential performance.”
35
As a stark example of the rally phenomenon, President Bush’s
approval ratings shot up immediately after the terrorist attacks in 2001; attacks which inthemselves, of course, did not signal that Bush was doing a better job. As cognitive consistencywould predict, once observers favor a leader on one dimension such as national security, theystart to view that leader as being successful across all dimensions. On September 9, 2001, 48%of Americans approved of Bush’s handling of the economy, down from 52% the month before.By November 6, approval of the president’s handling of the economy had leapt to 72%.Approval of the president’s handling of education also rose from 61% before 9/11, to 71% inJanuary 2002. Most rallies are short-lived, however, as evaluations of leaders’ performance tend
32
Kernell, Going Public, p. 163.
33
Redelmeier, D., and D. Kahneman. 1996. Patients' memories of painful medical treatments: Real-time and
retrospective evaluations of two minimally invasive procedures. Pain 116 (3-8).; Thomas, D., and E. Diener. 1990.Memory accuracy in the recall of emotions. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 59:291-297.
34
Samuel Kernell, Going Public: New Strategies of Presidential leadership (Washington D.C.: C.Q. Press, 1993),
pp. 160-168.
35
Brody,Assessing the President, p. 77.
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| | Authors: Tierney, Dominic. |
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39
never took the main building), but in the minds of many Americans, it engendered an image of significant U.S. failure. If an observer’s metric for success was stability in South Vietnam, observers could see on their televisions that the very bastion of the U.S. presence, within a supposedly safe city, was swarming with the enemy, with the implication being that the whole country was overrun. Similarly, the particular way in which the Dunkirk evacuation in 1940 was carried out increased the favorable impression of the operation. If the Royal Navy had simply picked up the troops according to standard military procedures it would have looked like a fairly typical retreat. The fact that the evacuation was partly carried out with a flotilla of volunteers sailing small vessels from England to rescue the desperate men, created a heroic image of the plucky British population uniting to defy the German war machine. In 1983, observers judged Reagan’s intervention in Grenada to be a significant success only after they saw images of rescued American medical students joyfully returning home to the U.S., kissing American soil at the base of the aircraft steps, images which were followed by the president making his case for military action.
32
Daniel Kahneman and others have shown that when people look back on
events, their memory of the event is equivalent to the worst (or best) part, and what it was like at the end. They do not remember the average, the duration, the day-to-day emotions at the time, or the variation in the experience. Hence, a dramatic and salient negative peak experience, and then a final image of defeat, is likely to encourage one to remember the episode as one of consistent failure.
33
The rally phenomenon
Dramatic and violent events also tend to create a “rally” phenomenon, whereby support for the president predictably increases, as do evaluations of his job performance, whether the events themselves are favorable to the leader or not. Most rallies are caused by sudden crises, although not all crises produce rallies, particularly if elites fail to halt their criticism of the president.
34
Following the U.S.-backed invasion of Cuba by Cuban exiles at the Bay of Pigs in 1961 there was a 5% increase in approval for President Kennedy despite it being a fiasco. Richard Brody concludes: “In aggregate terms, a lack of critical opinion leadership can outweigh even relatively unambiguous evidence of policy failure and hence pave the way for positive evaluations of presidential performance.”
35
As a stark example of the rally phenomenon, President Bush’s
approval ratings shot up immediately after the terrorist attacks in 2001; attacks which in themselves, of course, did not signal that Bush was doing a better job. As cognitive consistency would predict, once observers favor a leader on one dimension such as national security, they start to view that leader as being successful across all dimensions. On September 9, 2001, 48% of Americans approved of Bush’s handling of the economy, down from 52% the month before. By November 6, approval of the president’s handling of the economy had leapt to 72%. Approval of the president’s handling of education also rose from 61% before 9/11, to 71% in January 2002. Most rallies are short-lived, however, as evaluations of leaders’ performance tend
32
Kernell, Going Public, p. 163.
33
Redelmeier, D., and D. Kahneman. 1996. Patients' memories of painful medical treatments: Real-time and
retrospective evaluations of two minimally invasive procedures. Pain 116 (3-8).; Thomas, D., and E. Diener. 1990. Memory accuracy in the recall of emotions. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 59:291-297.
34
Samuel Kernell, Going Public: New Strategies of Presidential leadership (Washington D.C.: C.Q. Press, 1993),
pp. 160-168.
35
Brody,Assessing the President, p. 77.
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