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Making Sense of Koizumi's Foreign Policy: Will Japan Depart from Culturally Bounded Foreign Policy Formation? |
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Abstract:
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The killings of two Japanese ambassadors and two Japanese journalist in Iraq shocked the nation while Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi seek to contribute to the U.S.-Japan alliance and Washington's effort to fight against the terrorism more than ever since the establishment of the U.S.-Japan alliance. Since 911, the bond of the U.S.-Japan alliance seems to enter the strongest stage, and both Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi and President George W. Bush admit it. Looking at the Japanese side, Koizumi's capacity and preference are the main thrust of strengthening the alliance. He even goes further to define the U.S.-Japan alliance as Japan's national interest. In his administration, Koizumi dispatched Japanese Self Defense Forces to Iraq in order to support American effort against the terrorism. Now he moves to revise Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution in the hope of Japan's more active contribution to international security and Japan's admittance to the permanent member of the Security Council at the United Nations. In May, 2004, the United State unveiled the worldwide transformation of the U.S. Forces overseas. The plan calls for the integration of the headquarters of the U.S. Air Force in Japan and the Japanese Air Defense Force to the Yokota Air Base. It also plans to relocate the headquarters of the U.S. 1st Army Corps from the State of Washington to Kanagawa prefecture in Japan. The plan includes the pullout of 12000 troops, a third of the 37000 American troops in South Korea. While Washington seek to demand more contribution from Japan and Japan's defense integration with the United States, it will be highly unlikely for Japan to live up to America's expectation. Does Koizumi's foreign policy formation initiate the departure of Culturally Bounded Foreign Policy Formation which Thomas Berger presents and tests to post World War II Japan successfully? Or Will Koizumi face the formidable and unforeseeable opposition due to his personality, capacity, preference, and leadership style? In this paper, I would like to analyze the characteristics of Koizumi foreign policy formation and its impact on the future U.S.-Japan alliance. To do so, first, I would like to summarize Berger's two models of foreign policy formation, and assess the accountability of two models to Koizumi' case? Then, based on the result, I would like to introduce a new dimension to Berger's model to enhance its analytical capability to assess Japan's foreign policy formation in the post World War II. |
Most Common Document Word Stems:
allianc (72), japan (62), gain (57), interest (48), state (45), secur (41), relat (41), valu (39), snyder (37), game (32), koizumi (28), interact (28), u.s (27), absolut (26), polici (25), cooper (24), structur (24), system (23), strateg (22), relationship (22), japanes (20), |
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Association:
Name: International Studies Association URL: http://www.isanet.org
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Citation:
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MLA Citation:
| Shimizu, Ryo. "Making Sense of Koizumi's Foreign Policy: Will Japan Depart from Culturally Bounded Foreign Policy Formation?" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, Hilton Hawaiian Village, Honolulu, Hawaii, Mar 05, 2005 <Not Available>. 2009-05-26 <http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p69889_index.html> |
APA Citation:
| Shimizu, R. , 2005-03-05 "Making Sense of Koizumi's Foreign Policy: Will Japan Depart from Culturally Bounded Foreign Policy Formation?" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, Hilton Hawaiian Village, Honolulu, Hawaii Online <.PDF>. 2009-05-26 from http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p69889_index.html |
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript Review Method: Peer Reviewed Abstract: The killings of two Japanese ambassadors and two Japanese journalist in Iraq shocked the nation while Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi seek to contribute to the U.S.-Japan alliance and Washington's effort to fight against the terrorism more than ever since the establishment of the U.S.-Japan alliance. Since 911, the bond of the U.S.-Japan alliance seems to enter the strongest stage, and both Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi and President George W. Bush admit it. Looking at the Japanese side, Koizumi's capacity and preference are the main thrust of strengthening the alliance. He even goes further to define the U.S.-Japan alliance as Japan's national interest. In his administration, Koizumi dispatched Japanese Self Defense Forces to Iraq in order to support American effort against the terrorism. Now he moves to revise Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution in the hope of Japan's more active contribution to international security and Japan's admittance to the permanent member of the Security Council at the United Nations. In May, 2004, the United State unveiled the worldwide transformation of the U.S. Forces overseas. The plan calls for the integration of the headquarters of the U.S. Air Force in Japan and the Japanese Air Defense Force to the Yokota Air Base. It also plans to relocate the headquarters of the U.S. 1st Army Corps from the State of Washington to Kanagawa prefecture in Japan. The plan includes the pullout of 12000 troops, a third of the 37000 American troops in South Korea. While Washington seek to demand more contribution from Japan and Japan's defense integration with the United States, it will be highly unlikely for Japan to live up to America's expectation. Does Koizumi's foreign policy formation initiate the departure of Culturally Bounded Foreign Policy Formation which Thomas Berger presents and tests to post World War II Japan successfully? Or Will Koizumi face the formidable and unforeseeable opposition due to his personality, capacity, preference, and leadership style? In this paper, I would like to analyze the characteristics of Koizumi foreign policy formation and its impact on the future U.S.-Japan alliance. To do so, first, I would like to summarize Berger's two models of foreign policy formation, and assess the accountability of two models to Koizumi' case? Then, based on the result, I would like to introduce a new dimension to Berger's model to enhance its analytical capability to assess Japan's foreign policy formation in the post World War II. |
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| Document Type: |
.PDF |
| Page count: |
22 |
| Word count: |
5446 |
| Text sample: |
| I. Introduction Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi has been actively responding to the crises on the Korean Peninsula Iraq and Tsunami not only through diplomatic efforts but also by utilizing Japan's military and financial capability. 1 The public's approval rating for Koizumi administration jumped 8 percentage points in the February 2005 Asahi Shimbun With regard to foreign affairs in the poll about 90 percent of the opinion poll. 2 respondents indicated their concern about North Korea's recent claim of the |
| nature and system of the U.S.-Japan alliance. In retrospect there was time when Washington and Tokyo's alliance could be characterized as alliance game (conflictive). Now the alliance has been enjoying alliance game (cooperative). However because of the origin of the U.S.-Japan alliance the alliance is still asymmetrical and does not satisfy the Vandenberg's resolutions. To make the U.S.-Japan alliance a real alliance Washington and Tokyo needs to consider if both sides' absolute and relative gains will increase once Japan |
Similar Titles:
Debating "Soft Power" in Japan's Security Policy: Implications for Alliance with the United States
Alternative Visions of Japanese Security: The Role of Absolute and Relative Gains in the Making of Japanese Security Policy
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