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Making Sense of Koizumi's Foreign Policy: Will Japan Depart from Culturally Bounded Foreign Policy Formation?
Unformatted Document Text:  1 I. Introduction Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi has been actively responding to the crises on the Korean Peninsula, Iraq, and Tsunami not only through diplomatic efforts but also by utilizing Japan’s military and financial capability. 1 The public’s approval rating for Koizumi administration jumped 8 percentage points in the February 2005 Asahi Shimbun opinion poll. 2 With regard to foreign affairs, in the poll, about 90 percent of the respondents indicated their concern about North Korea’s recent claim of the possession of nuclear weapons. However, there was no unanimity on what kind of action Japan should take against Pyongyang regarding the abduction case. 61 percent of respondents supported strong measures and 30 percent favored dialogue through diplomatic efforts. Since Koizumi took office, he has been making every effort to strengthen the U.S.-Japan alliance and make Japan’s contribution more visible and concrete to the world by utilizing whatever opportunity he could find. The dispatch of the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) to Iraq was the case in point. It marked the first overseas deployment of the SDF since World War II. To further his efforts, Koizumi publicly states his intention of revising Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution and gaining the status of the permanent member of the Security Council of the United Nations. However, the question remains if his security policies could lead Japan to a potential watershed event for post war Japan. 1 Robert Uriu, “Japan in 2003: Muddling Ahead?,” Asian Survey , Vol. XLIV, No. 1 (January/February 2004), pp. 168-181. Masaru Tamamoto, “After the Tsunami, How Japan Can Lead,” Far Eastern Economic Review , Vol. 168, No. 2(January/February 2005), pp. 10-18. 2 “Koizumi can rest easier as support rate climbs”, International Herald Tribune , 22 February 2005, 22.

Authors: Shimizu, Ryo.
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1
I. Introduction
Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi has been actively responding to the crises on the
Korean Peninsula, Iraq, and Tsunami not only through diplomatic efforts but also by
utilizing Japan’s military and financial capability.
1
The public’s approval rating for
Koizumi administration jumped 8 percentage points in the February 2005 Asahi Shimbun
opinion poll.
2
With regard to foreign affairs, in the poll, about 90 percent of the
respondents indicated their concern about North Korea’s recent claim of the possession of
nuclear weapons. However, there was no unanimity on what kind of action Japan should
take against Pyongyang regarding the abduction case. 61 percent of respondents supported
strong measures and 30 percent favored dialogue through diplomatic efforts.
Since Koizumi took office, he has been making every effort to strengthen the U.S.-Japan
alliance and make Japan’s contribution more visible and concrete to the world by utilizing
whatever opportunity he could find. The dispatch of the Self-Defense Forces (SDF) to Iraq
was the case in point. It marked the first overseas deployment of the SDF since World War
II. To further his efforts, Koizumi publicly states his intention of revising Article 9 of the
Japanese Constitution and gaining the status of the permanent member of the Security
Council of the United Nations. However, the question remains if his security policies could
lead Japan to a potential watershed event for post war Japan.
1
Robert Uriu, “Japan in 2003: Muddling Ahead?,”
Asian Survey
, Vol. XLIV, No. 1
(January/February 2004), pp. 168-181. Masaru Tamamoto, “After the Tsunami, How Japan
Can Lead,”
Far Eastern Economic Review
, Vol. 168, No. 2(January/February 2005), pp.
10-18.
2
“Koizumi can rest easier as support rate climbs”,
International Herald Tribune
, 22
February 2005, 22.


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