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Is the United States mistakenly assuming that Iranian people that are pushing for
democracy will rise against the mullahs and support U.S. invasion of Iran? Or is it likely
that the United States still does not comprehend the concept of nationalism, and even
though there is a democratic movement, it will align itself with the mullahs to prevent the
occupation of the United States? Is the United States incapable of applying the policy
failures from the military invasion of Iraq, which has now become an occupying force
without a foreseeable end? If the United States had applied the Powell Doctrine to Iraq,
instead of utilizing Rumsfeld’s re-imagination of a lighter, more effective military, then
the United States might be facing another situation in Iraq today. However, if part of the
NSS guiding U.S. foreign policy assumes military preeminence, it should consider how
current policy, particularly in Iraq, defeats this purpose. The heavy dependence on the
National Guard and the reluctance to increase and strengthen U.S. troops on the ground
all raise serious concerns about whether or not the United States is overextending itself.
Conclusions
The double-edge sword facing this administration in its second term is its
treatment of international institutions in its first administration as obstacles to overcome,
rather than sources of support to strengthen the fight against the global war on terror.
The new Secretary of State, Condoleeza Rice, recently traveled abroad to France,
Germany and Spain to mend relations. The objective, according to this second
administration, is to rely on multilateral efforts to combat terrorism. While it is too early
to predict how the apparent shift in position by the Bush Administration towards
international cooperation will impact U.S. relations abroad, the moment of truth will be if
Convention