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Danger in the Post-Cold War Era: Nation, Environmental Security and Postcolonial Feminism
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environmental destruction. The 1997 and 2000 NSS documents discuss the conflict generated byenvironmental degradation in fairly explicit terms (The White House, Clinton Administration, 2000a:3, 9; The White House, Clinton Administration, 1997c:18-21). In even stronger language, The USCommission on National Security discusses the potential for regional conflicts triggering “largerinterstate conflicts [that] grossly violate internationally accepted norms, or create massive flows ofrefugees, disease, and environmental degradation” (1999:86).
The 1998 NSS also reflects Homer-Dixon’s (1999, 1998) work in its contention that “failed
states” will “lose their ability to provide for the welfare of their citizens” which will cause “massmigration, civil unrest, famine, mass killings, environmental disasters and aggression againstneighboring states or ethnic groups,” which may threaten US interests (1998a:7). Also much likeHomer-Dixon’s work, the 1998 NSS (under the heading of Transnational Threats) argues, “terrorism,international crime, drug trafficking, uncontrolled refugee migrations and environmental damagethreaten US interests, citizens and the US homeland itself” (1998a:6). Later, under the headingEnvironmental Initiatives, the 1998 NSS suggests, “natural resource scarcities can trigger andexacerbate conflict” (1998a:13) which is a direct reflection of one of Homer-Dixon’s central points.
In sum, I concur with Thomas that a threat-based approach characterizes US security discourse
on environmental concerns. I further argue that environmental security threats are identified andinterpreted within US government discourse in tandem with traditional, civilizational securityconcerns. In elaborating this point, it is important to again note that this approach continues within amarkedly different international arena, one characterized for instance, by the end of the Cold War. Asthe National Security Commission explains, “since the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, and the dramatictransformation of world politics resulting from the dissolution of the Soviet Union two years later, ourleaders have been searching for a unifying theme to provide a strategic framework appropriate tocurrent and future circumstances. That search has not been easy” (2000:1).
On one hand, traditional IR security concerns remain important within the NSS and
Commission reports, including the maintenance of US sovereignty, the promulgation of Americanvalues and institutions, and increasing national prosperity (The White House, 1997c:Online document).On the other hand, these documents are unified in their recognition that today’s security environment ischaracterized by countless new actors and concerns “that once seemed quite distant” (The WhiteHouse, Clinton Administration, 1998a:1). As the 1996 NSS explains:
The central security challenge of the past half century -- the threat of communistexpansion -- is gone. The dangers we face today are more diverse…It is a world whereclear distinctions between threats to our nation’s security from beyond our borders andthe challenges to our security from within our borders are being blurred; where theseparation between international problems and domestic ones is evaporating; and wherethe line between domestic and foreign policy is eroding. The demise of communismnot only lifted the lid on age-old conflicts but it opened the door to new dangers… (TheWhite House, Clinton Administration, 1996a:1, 5)
Nearly all of the NSS documents, as well as Phase I of the National Security Commission report, pointout changes in the post-Cold War environment and highlight security threats that are much more vaguethan those thought to exist during the Cold War.
These post-Cold War threats include environmental destruction as a threat to US national
security and international stability. Environmental concerns have been added to a crowd of seeminglyamorphous dangers ranging from population growth and terrorism to the proliferation of weapons ofmass destruction. These dangers are however unified in their construction as threats to “our open andfree society” (The White House, 1996a:1). I use the word “added” intentionally because theincorporation of environmental degradation has not fundamentally changed traditional IR securitydiscourse or the ways in which enemies are “discovered.” Hayes explains, “as the external threatsinherent to the Cold War have dissipated, we have begun to conjure up internal scapegoats, easy
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environmental destruction. The 1997 and 2000 NSS documents discuss the conflict generated by environmental degradation in fairly explicit terms (The White House, Clinton Administration, 2000a: 3, 9; The White House, Clinton Administration, 1997c:18-21). In even stronger language, The US Commission on National Security discusses the potential for regional conflicts triggering “larger interstate conflicts [that] grossly violate internationally accepted norms, or create massive flows of refugees, disease, and environmental degradation” (1999:86).
The 1998 NSS also reflects Homer-Dixon’s (1999, 1998) work in its contention that “failed
states” will “lose their ability to provide for the welfare of their citizens” which will cause “mass migration, civil unrest, famine, mass killings, environmental disasters and aggression against neighboring states or ethnic groups,” which may threaten US interests (1998a:7). Also much like Homer-Dixon’s work, the 1998 NSS (under the heading of Transnational Threats) argues, “terrorism, international crime, drug trafficking, uncontrolled refugee migrations and environmental damage threaten US interests, citizens and the US homeland itself” (1998a:6). Later, under the heading Environmental Initiatives, the 1998 NSS suggests, “natural resource scarcities can trigger and exacerbate conflict” (1998a:13) which is a direct reflection of one of Homer-Dixon’s central points.
In sum, I concur with Thomas that a threat-based approach characterizes US security discourse
on environmental concerns. I further argue that environmental security threats are identified and interpreted within US government discourse in tandem with traditional, civilizational security concerns. In elaborating this point, it is important to again note that this approach continues within a markedly different international arena, one characterized for instance, by the end of the Cold War. As the National Security Commission explains, “since the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, and the dramatic transformation of world politics resulting from the dissolution of the Soviet Union two years later, our leaders have been searching for a unifying theme to provide a strategic framework appropriate to current and future circumstances. That search has not been easy” (2000:1).
On one hand, traditional IR security concerns remain important within the NSS and
Commission reports, including the maintenance of US sovereignty, the promulgation of American values and institutions, and increasing national prosperity (The White House, 1997c:Online document). On the other hand, these documents are unified in their recognition that today’s security environment is characterized by countless new actors and concerns “that once seemed quite distant” (The White House, Clinton Administration, 1998a:1). As the 1996 NSS explains:
The central security challenge of the past half century -- the threat of communist expansion -- is gone. The dangers we face today are more diverse…It is a world where clear distinctions between threats to our nation’s security from beyond our borders and the challenges to our security from within our borders are being blurred; where the separation between international problems and domestic ones is evaporating; and where the line between domestic and foreign policy is eroding. The demise of communism not only lifted the lid on age-old conflicts but it opened the door to new dangers… (The White House, Clinton Administration, 1996a:1, 5)
Nearly all of the NSS documents, as well as Phase I of the National Security Commission report, point out changes in the post-Cold War environment and highlight security threats that are much more vague than those thought to exist during the Cold War.
These post-Cold War threats include environmental destruction as a threat to US national
security and international stability. Environmental concerns have been added to a crowd of seemingly amorphous dangers ranging from population growth and terrorism to the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. These dangers are however unified in their construction as threats to “our open and free society” (The White House, 1996a:1). I use the word “added” intentionally because the incorporation of environmental degradation has not fundamentally changed traditional IR security discourse or the ways in which enemies are “discovered.” Hayes explains, “as the external threats inherent to the Cold War have dissipated, we have begun to conjure up internal scapegoats, easy
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