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Danger in the Post-Cold War Era: Nation, Environmental Security and Postcolonial Feminism
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“intersections of these relations of ruling that third world feminist struggles are positioned” (Mohanty,1991b:13).
Finally, Mohanty argues for a project that simultaneously focuses on deconstructing and
dismantling on the one hand, and building and constructing on the other (1991b:51), and thisproject forms a core of Postcolonial Feminist understandings of agency and resistance.Recognizing the diversity of women’s and men’s lives, experiences, and needs, as well asbuilding genuinely diverse and empowering national and transnational coalitions against allforms of oppression are critical concerns to many Postcolonial Feminists. They highlight andargue for resistance that is historically, materially, culturally and politically contextualized, non-elitist, and directed toward dismantling the entire system of oppression and privilege. In this context,people are recognized as agents as opposed to homogenized and inferior “victims.” As agents, peoplenot only reproduce the terms of their existence but also take responsibility for them. Moreover,dismantling discourses that render some inferior/exploitable interrupts the ideological bases ofoppression. It is a mistake to assume that critiques of universal, essentialized categories of“womanhood” are also rejections of commonalties and common bonds among women (Trend,1995:121). While common bonds and room for transnational activism certainly exist, Mohanty(1991b) and others problematize strict claims of universality and essentialism. Re-evaluations ofhistory and historicity with women’s and “other” men’s self-determination at its core (Alexander andMohanty, 1997:xvi), as well as the creation of autonomous, geographically, historically and culturallygrounded feminist struggles (Mohanty, 1991b:51) are central to the forms of resistance elucidated bythose included in my analytical framework. Although many of the authors in this analytical frameworktend to argue for specific forms of resistance to specific manifestations of oppression, Alexander andMohanty also go on to explain that developing transnational feminist movements involves “shifting theunit of analysis from the local, regional, and national culture to relations and processes acrosscultures,” i.e. developing an understanding of the local in the context of the global (1997:xix).
Alexander and Mohanty (1997:xvii) use the term recolonization to refer to the global
realignments and new forms of colonization which, like “traditional” forms of colonization, are basedon hierarchical, racialized and sexualized constructions and systems of domination. Resistance to thisprocess comes in the form of decolonization, which necessitates thinking and acting oneself out ofspaces of domination. In other words, we must think through an “anti-colonialist, anti-capitalist lens,”recognize the destructive effects of colonization and then proceed to build “actively anti-colonialistrelationships and cultures” (Alexander and Mohanty, 1997:xxii) without reinforcing homogenizedconstructions of the “other as victim.”
In sum, Postcolonial Feminists speak to the need for a new consciousness, one that sees
histories of colonialism, contemporary postcolonial relations, and ideologies and structures ofdomination and privilege based on race, nation, class, gender and sexuality as interlocking andmutually constitutive. Furthermore, they suggest that resistance is useless without an understanding ofthis interlocking system. Many also emphasize the importance of redefining “power” in such a way asto speak to physical and ideological violence as well as economic, ecological and social violence.Building and sustaining genuinely diverse, empowering transnational movements aimed at “changingthe system” is no easy task, but as Gunning explains, “no one said that multicultural dialoguing oralliances would be easy. They are just the necessary prerequisites to solid sisterhood” (2000:282).Recognizing that the theoretical and activist strategies utilized in building transnational movementshave political, social and ethical implications themselves is absolutely crucial because, “the process bywhich we struggle for rights is important” (Gunning, 2000:277). Therefore, “good intentions are notenough. Constant vigilance and self-criticism are required for the feminist or progressive who trulyintends to bridge the multicultural divides to create sisterhood” (Gunning, 2000:276). Finally,understandings of coalitional activism and social change are crucial to identifying and resisting
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“intersections of these relations of ruling that third world feminist struggles are positioned” (Mohanty, 1991b:13).
Finally, Mohanty argues for a project that simultaneously focuses on deconstructing and
dismantling on the one hand, and building and constructing on the other (1991b:51), and this project forms a core of Postcolonial Feminist understandings of agency and resistance. Recognizing the diversity of women’s and men’s lives, experiences, and needs, as well as building genuinely diverse and empowering national and transnational coalitions against all forms of oppression are critical concerns to many Postcolonial Feminists. They highlight and argue for resistance that is historically, materially, culturally and politically contextualized, non- elitist, and directed toward dismantling the entire system of oppression and privilege. In this context, people are recognized as agents as opposed to homogenized and inferior “victims.” As agents, people not only reproduce the terms of their existence but also take responsibility for them. Moreover, dismantling discourses that render some inferior/exploitable interrupts the ideological bases of oppression. It is a mistake to assume that critiques of universal, essentialized categories of “womanhood” are also rejections of commonalties and common bonds among women (Trend, 1995:121). While common bonds and room for transnational activism certainly exist, Mohanty (1991b) and others problematize strict claims of universality and essentialism. Re-evaluations of history and historicity with women’s and “other” men’s self-determination at its core (Alexander and Mohanty, 1997:xvi), as well as the creation of autonomous, geographically, historically and culturally grounded feminist struggles (Mohanty, 1991b:51) are central to the forms of resistance elucidated by those included in my analytical framework. Although many of the authors in this analytical framework tend to argue for specific forms of resistance to specific manifestations of oppression, Alexander and Mohanty also go on to explain that developing transnational feminist movements involves “shifting the unit of analysis from the local, regional, and national culture to relations and processes across cultures,” i.e. developing an understanding of the local in the context of the global (1997:xix).
Alexander and Mohanty (1997:xvii) use the term recolonization to refer to the global
realignments and new forms of colonization which, like “traditional” forms of colonization, are based on hierarchical, racialized and sexualized constructions and systems of domination. Resistance to this process comes in the form of decolonization, which necessitates thinking and acting oneself out of spaces of domination. In other words, we must think through an “anti-colonialist, anti-capitalist lens,” recognize the destructive effects of colonization and then proceed to build “actively anti-colonialist relationships and cultures” (Alexander and Mohanty, 1997:xxii) without reinforcing homogenized constructions of the “other as victim.”
In sum, Postcolonial Feminists speak to the need for a new consciousness, one that sees
histories of colonialism, contemporary postcolonial relations, and ideologies and structures of domination and privilege based on race, nation, class, gender and sexuality as interlocking and mutually constitutive. Furthermore, they suggest that resistance is useless without an understanding of this interlocking system. Many also emphasize the importance of redefining “power” in such a way as to speak to physical and ideological violence as well as economic, ecological and social violence. Building and sustaining genuinely diverse, empowering transnational movements aimed at “changing the system” is no easy task, but as Gunning explains, “no one said that multicultural dialoguing or alliances would be easy. They are just the necessary prerequisites to solid sisterhood” (2000:282). Recognizing that the theoretical and activist strategies utilized in building transnational movements have political, social and ethical implications themselves is absolutely crucial because, “the process by which we struggle for rights is important” (Gunning, 2000:277). Therefore, “good intentions are not enough. Constant vigilance and self-criticism are required for the feminist or progressive who truly intends to bridge the multicultural divides to create sisterhood” (Gunning, 2000:276). Finally, understandings of coalitional activism and social change are crucial to identifying and resisting
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