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Feminist Social Movements: The Politics of Inclusion & Exclusion
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Feminist Social Movements: The Politics of Inclusion & Exclusion
Laura Hebert, University of Denver
Paper Prepared for the 2005 International Studies Association Annual Convention
Introduction
The development trajectory of women’s movements, the issues prioritized, and their relationshipto the state and other social justice movements are context specific, shaped by the socio-politicaland economic environment within which they are embedded. Nonetheless, women’s movementsglobally share a common purpose: to achieve the transformation of societal institutions thatsanction unequal gender relations. Nowhere in the world, however, has this goal been achieved.In spite of the long history of women’s scholarship and activism aimed at challenging the genderhierarchy, masculinism
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remains firmly entrenched. Overt discrimination against females is
discernible in every society throughout the world, as reflected in the persistence of culturalvalues that assign men proprietary rights over women and girls; the unequal access of females toemployment, education, and training and the subsequent dependence of many women on men fortheir economic welfare; the retention of laws that explicitly discriminate against women; and theunder representation of women in politics and positions of power (UNICEF, 2000: 7).
In this paper, based on a comparative analysis of the anti-gender violence movements that haveformed in Malaysia and South Africa, I explore why the goals of women’s movements oftenremain out of reach. The embeddedness of masculinism and the challenge feminisms pose to theendurance of masculinist privileges and power have certainly contributed to the denigration offeminisms and feminists, thus undermining the ability of women’s movements to generate broadbased support for a “post-masculinist” world. However, I argue that in addition to looking“externally,” it is crucial for women’s activists to look “internally” and reflect on how feminist-
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Borrowing from Charlotte Hooper (2001), I use the term “masculism” to describe the
structure of gender inequality, rather than the more common term “patriarchy.” As described byHooper, feminists are increasingly reluctant to use the terminology of patriarchy given itsassociation with “universalizing, ahistorical theories and vague generalizations” (41).“Patriarchy” also implies a direct relationship between male biology and male power, whichcontradicts contemporary feminist attention to gender as socially constructed (and byimplication, as variable rather than fixed). The distinction Hooper makes between “men” and“masculinity” and her understanding of men as gaining “access to power and privilege not byvirtue of their anatomy but through their cultural association with masculinity” has provided animportant framework for my research given my exploration of the potentiality of trans-genderalliance formation (41).
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1
Feminist Social Movements: The Politics of Inclusion & Exclusion
Laura Hebert, University of Denver
Paper Prepared for the 2005 International Studies Association Annual Convention
Introduction
The development trajectory of women’s movements, the issues prioritized, and their relationship to the state and other social justice movements are context specific, shaped by the socio-political and economic environment within which they are embedded. Nonetheless, women’s movements globally share a common purpose: to achieve the transformation of societal institutions that sanction unequal gender relations. Nowhere in the world, however, has this goal been achieved. In spite of the long history of women’s scholarship and activism aimed at challenging the gender hierarchy, masculinism
1
remains firmly entrenched. Overt discrimination against females is
discernible in every society throughout the world, as reflected in the persistence of cultural values that assign men proprietary rights over women and girls; the unequal access of females to employment, education, and training and the subsequent dependence of many women on men for their economic welfare; the retention of laws that explicitly discriminate against women; and the under representation of women in politics and positions of power (UNICEF, 2000: 7).
In this paper, based on a comparative analysis of the anti-gender violence movements that have formed in Malaysia and South Africa, I explore why the goals of women’s movements often remain out of reach. The embeddedness of masculinism and the challenge feminisms pose to the endurance of masculinist privileges and power have certainly contributed to the denigration of feminisms and feminists, thus undermining the ability of women’s movements to generate broad based support for a “post-masculinist” world. However, I argue that in addition to looking “externally,” it is crucial for women’s activists to look “internally” and reflect on how feminist-
1
Borrowing from Charlotte Hooper (2001), I use the term “masculism” to describe the
structure of gender inequality, rather than the more common term “patriarchy.” As described by Hooper, feminists are increasingly reluctant to use the terminology of patriarchy given its association with “universalizing, ahistorical theories and vague generalizations” (41). “Patriarchy” also implies a direct relationship between male biology and male power, which contradicts contemporary feminist attention to gender as socially constructed (and by implication, as variable rather than fixed). The distinction Hooper makes between “men” and “masculinity” and her understanding of men as gaining “access to power and privilege not by virtue of their anatomy but through their cultural association with masculinity” has provided an important framework for my research given my exploration of the potentiality of trans-gender alliance formation (41).
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