4
Brazil and Mexico have similar systemic weaknesses that impede them from being
classified as emerging world powers, although they have similar capabilities to exercise middle-
range power roles in world politics. For example, in 2004, Brazil was the fifth most populous
country in the world and had the eleventh largest economy with a gross national product (GNP)
of 492.3 billion dollars. Mexico was the eleventh most populous state and had the ninth largest
economy in the world, with a combined GNP of 627.2 billion dollars. (World Development Bank
2004) In fact, Mexico seems to be in a stronger economic position than Brazil, since it not only
has a larger GNP, but has the highest income per capita in Latin America ($6,230 dollars per
capita, compared to $2,710 dollars per capita in Brazil); although the World Bank classifies both,
Mexico and Brazil, as upper-middle-income countries.
Military force levels for the two countries are also similar. Both Brazil and Mexico
concentrate the largest number of soldiers in Latin America. Force levels for the three branches
in Brazil number 287,600; while Mexico’s armed forces total 192,770. In both cases, the military
(particularly the Army) is mostly dedicated to internal missions; such as safeguarding the
Amazon (in Brazil) or countering drug trafficking (in Mexico.) Likewise, military spending
levels for the two Latin American giants are very low; Brazil invests 2.4% of its GDP in military
expenditures, while Mexico spends 0.9% of its GDP in the military. Nevertheless, the numbers
do not always reflect the weaknesses of both forces. Brazil and Mexico continue to rely on
conscription, so a substantial number of forces are made of non-commissioned officers and
conscripts (Brazil has 48,200 conscripts, while Mexico has 60,000 conscripts). In other words,
the two countries have, essentially, an unprofessional military sector; which in turn drives the
need for urgent military reform. (Jane’s Sentinel for Central America and South America 2005,
Military Balance 2004)
In sum, Brazil and Mexico have structural similarities and could practice a middle-
power role, given their capabilities and resources. However, Mexico’s policy in the UN does not
properly fit Cooper’s model of middle power behavior. As Guadalupe González argues,
Convention