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A Disaggregated World Order: Would it be Analytically Helpful to Abandon the Assumption of The International System?
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In some areas states are not privileged actors, but participate according totheir ability to mobilize resources. Efficiency rather than legality definesthe actors. Consequently the assumption of an international systembecomes lees usefull (Caporsao 1996, Caporaso 2000, Cameron, 1999).
If domestic and international are ‘merging’ we would expect to findconstitutive elements of the domestic system at the international level. Asdiscussed by Easton, Bull and others political community has been seento be the lacking feature of world politics. However if the concept ofpolitical community is split into its component parts we may argue thatsome elements of political community can be seen ”beyond” the state.
Zürn in a study of how democratic governance moves beyond the nationstate points out that “demos” (a political community) has becomedisaggregated at the international level. Elements of political communityexist that reach beyond the nation state. Zürn mentions 1. human rights, 2.trust and 3.public spirit as examples of community elements that arepartially denationalized.Within the EU and perhaps even within the OECD area a “transnationalconcern for human rights can to some extent be assumed to exist” (Zürn,2000, p. 196).Trust is defined as the acceptance of international obligations and it isargued that increased internationalization leads to increased acceptance ofinternational regulation.Public spirit is the sense of collective identification with the wellbeing ofa larger unit. Within the EU there are such elements and in theenvironmental field it may be found at a greater international level.
These examples do not “prove” the existence of a demos at theinternational level, but they point our attention to the gradualdevelopment of disaggregated international political communities.
Does disaggregation help us in describing international relations?
It helps us be specific. It opens up for studying actors and processesirrespectively of their location on the domestic/international scale. Actorsare the ones that are mobilizing resources within a given area. Rules ofcoexistence are defined specifically in each instance. Political communityis an international phenomenon. Description will have to be specific tospecific areas or orders. Describing the EU requires a different approachfrom looking at the Middle East. Describing the structure of trade andtrade politics within the OECD area requires another approach. Buildingspecific explanations rather than schools is the task ahead. As Rengger
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| | Authors: Holm, Hans-Henrik. |
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9
In some areas states are not privileged actors, but participate according to
their ability to mobilize resources. Efficiency rather than legality defines
the actors. Consequently the assumption of an international system
becomes lees usefull (Caporsao 1996, Caporaso 2000, Cameron, 1999).
If domestic and international are ‘merging’ we would expect to find
constitutive elements of the domestic system at the international level. As
discussed by Easton, Bull and others political community has been seen
to be the lacking feature of world politics. However if the concept of
political community is split into its component parts we may argue that
some elements of political community can be seen ”beyond” the state.
Zürn in a study of how democratic governance moves beyond the nation
state points out that “demos” (a political community) has become
disaggregated at the international level. Elements of political community
exist that reach beyond the nation state. Zürn mentions 1. human rights, 2.
trust and 3.public spirit as examples of community elements that are
partially denationalized.
Within the EU and perhaps even within the OECD area a “transnational
concern for human rights can to some extent be assumed to exist” (Zürn,
2000, p. 196).
Trust is defined as the acceptance of international obligations and it is
argued that increased internationalization leads to increased acceptance of
international regulation.
Public spirit is the sense of collective identification with the wellbeing of
a larger unit. Within the EU there are such elements and in the
environmental field it may be found at a greater international level.
These examples do not “prove” the existence of a demos at the
international level, but they point our attention to the gradual
development of disaggregated international political communities.
Does disaggregation help us in describing international relations?
It helps us be specific. It opens up for studying actors and processes
irrespectively of their location on the domestic/international scale. Actors
are the ones that are mobilizing resources within a given area. Rules of
coexistence are defined specifically in each instance. Political community
is an international phenomenon. Description will have to be specific to
specific areas or orders. Describing the EU requires a different approach
from looking at the Middle East. Describing the structure of trade and
trade politics within the OECD area requires another approach. Building
specific explanations rather than schools is the task ahead. As Rengger
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