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Balance of Power Dynamics and War Escalation
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states were coded as changes – cases with no shift in the balance, or where the shift was because of data that changed over a year break – had values of 0. I set values to 0 even where the balance changed slightly because of a shift in the COW data on January 1 to avoid “contaminating” the balance of power tests concerning intervention and active external balancing with simply updated information.
Analysis suggests that while the change in favor or against the MID initiator did not
matter to dispute escalation, the overall magnitude of changes (regardless of direction) did. In particular, cases with a larger shift in the balance in any direction had a significantly lessened expectation of the time to war, with no change in the expected time to peace. Reversing direction to speak in terms of probabilities, when there was a major change of the balance of power in any direction, the probability of peaceful settlement remained about the same, but the probability of war increased significantly. Intervals within disputes that have major shifts in the balance of power, in any direction, are more dangerous than those where the balance is relatively constant. There are of course parallels to this finding in literatures such as the power transition and other power shifts literature, but here the finding is within MIDs, within an appropriate research design.
Additional Findings The new analysis also allows proper assessment of the effect of numbers of disputants on
dispute escalation. The findings on number of disputants are quite unequivocal: having a larger number of participants in a dispute interval leads to a shorter time to war (that is, an increased per-day probability of war), as well as a longer time to expected peace (that is, a decreased per-day probability of peaceful settlement). This is the same substantive result as Petersen et al. (2004), but the finding here is not contaminated by endogeneity over the full course of a dispute.
Several other findings are very interesting, and the new method applied here reveals
several nuanced variable effects on dispute escalation. Having at least one major power as one of the dispute originators leads to both a shorter duration to war (higher per-day probability of war) and a longer duration to peaceful settlement (lower per-day probability). With the new data set up, contiguity is again revealed to have a strong effect on both war and peace, with effects paralleling major power status, namely a higher per-day probability of escalation to war and a lower per-day probability of peaceful settlement. Joint democracy appears to have no effect; as before, this suggests that the major effect of democracy may be at the level of deterring disputes rather than aiding their settlement. And the alliance, hostility score, and S score variables reveal nuanced effects that again illustrate the power of the competing risk setup. In each of these cases, the variable does not affect the per-day probability of war. However, each affects the per-day probability of peaceful settlement. So, considering alliance, the presence of an alliance does not affect the probability of the dispute escalating to war, but it does increase the probability of peaceful settlement (decreasing the expected time to settlement). Disputes between allies should thus be somewhat shortened, with a constant probability of war and an increased probability of peace. S functions in exactly the opposite direction, with higher S scores actually serving to increase the expected time to peaceful settlement (lowering the per-day probability) while not affecting the per-day probability of war. Higher values of the Crescenzi and Enterline hostility measure actually indicate less hostility/more cooperation; those higher values lead to no change
A=90 and side B=10. The nondirected balance would still be 0.90, even though there had been a major shift between t=1 and t=2. Change in the directed balance would pick this up. And here, side A need not be thought of as “initiator” but simply as a constant identifier for one of the sides.
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states were coded as changes – cases with no shift in the balance, or where the shift was because of data that changed over a year break – had values of 0. I set values to 0 even where the balance changed slightly because of a shift in the COW data on January 1 to avoid “contaminating” the balance of power tests concerning intervention and active external balancing with simply updated information.
Analysis suggests that while the change in favor or against the MID initiator did not
matter to dispute escalation, the overall magnitude of changes (regardless of direction) did. In particular, cases with a larger shift in the balance in any direction had a significantly lessened expectation of the time to war, with no change in the expected time to peace. Reversing direction to speak in terms of probabilities, when there was a major change of the balance of power in any direction, the probability of peaceful settlement remained about the same, but the probability of war increased significantly. Intervals within disputes that have major shifts in the balance of power, in any direction, are more dangerous than those where the balance is relatively constant. There are of course parallels to this finding in literatures such as the power transition and other power shifts literature, but here the finding is within MIDs, within an appropriate research design.
Additional Findings The new analysis also allows proper assessment of the effect of numbers of disputants on
dispute escalation. The findings on number of disputants are quite unequivocal: having a larger number of participants in a dispute interval leads to a shorter time to war (that is, an increased per-day probability of war), as well as a longer time to expected peace (that is, a decreased per- day probability of peaceful settlement). This is the same substantive result as Petersen et al. (2004), but the finding here is not contaminated by endogeneity over the full course of a dispute.
Several other findings are very interesting, and the new method applied here reveals
several nuanced variable effects on dispute escalation. Having at least one major power as one of the dispute originators leads to both a shorter duration to war (higher per-day probability of war) and a longer duration to peaceful settlement (lower per-day probability). With the new data set up, contiguity is again revealed to have a strong effect on both war and peace, with effects paralleling major power status, namely a higher per-day probability of escalation to war and a lower per-day probability of peaceful settlement. Joint democracy appears to have no effect; as before, this suggests that the major effect of democracy may be at the level of deterring disputes rather than aiding their settlement. And the alliance, hostility score, and S score variables reveal nuanced effects that again illustrate the power of the competing risk setup. In each of these cases, the variable does not affect the per-day probability of war. However, each affects the per- day probability of peaceful settlement. So, considering alliance, the presence of an alliance does not affect the probability of the dispute escalating to war, but it does increase the probability of peaceful settlement (decreasing the expected time to settlement). Disputes between allies should thus be somewhat shortened, with a constant probability of war and an increased probability of peace. S functions in exactly the opposite direction, with higher S scores actually serving to increase the expected time to peaceful settlement (lowering the per-day probability) while not affecting the per-day probability of war. Higher values of the Crescenzi and Enterline hostility measure actually indicate less hostility/more cooperation; those higher values lead to no change
A=90 and side B=10. The nondirected balance would still be 0.90, even though there had been a major shift between t=1 and t=2. Change in the directed balance would pick this up. And here, side A need not be thought of as “initiator” but simply as a constant identifier for one of the sides.
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