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Locke on the Moral Basis of International Relations

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From the dawn of the modern period in the seventeenth century through to our own time the existence of the nation state has been the central organizing principle of the international system. However, debate about the moral basis of international relations is as old as the system itself. Today as in the past the recurring questions animating the debate about the role of the state in international relations include: Is the international system essentially anarchic marked by competition among independent states pursuing their national interest and power or does international relations provide a context of norms by which nations form a society of states? Does justice among nations rest on the core principles of sovereignty and non-intervention or is humanitarian intervention and the use of force to punish wrongdoing and protect the innocent justified by an overarching standard of international morality? Given the continuing theoretical and ethical debates in the twenty-first century about the rights and responsibilities of sovereign states and the limits and possibilities of international law and institutions, we are no less entitled now than perhaps at any other time to inquire, what, if anything, does it mean to speak of morality in international relations?
This paper will consider this question by examining the intersection of political philosophy and international relations in John Locke. At first glance Locke may appear an unlikely candidate for such a study. International relations were not the primary focus of his work, and foreign affairs is treated less systematically by Locke than other modern political philosophers such as Machiavelli, Grotius, and Kant. However, Locke’s significance as a seminal thinker in the liberal tradition of natural rights and constitutional government suggest that his relatively modest reflections on international relations merit more attention than they have historically received. Thankfully, a number of commentators have begun to reconsider Locke’s importance as a thinker on international relations. Some present Locke’s state of nature theory as a version of early modern realism typically associated with Machiavelli and Thomas Hobbes that endorsed the twin principles of the international state of anarchy and the primacy of sovereignty (Cox 1960; Ahrensdorf and Pangle 1999: 153-7). In this view, Locke’s assessment of the practical impotence of natural law and international morality left sovereignty, self-defence and national interest as the only reliable normative standards for international relations. Other commentators have discovered a rather different Locke, a proponent of a robust internationalism in which a permissive law of nature provides ready justification for the use of force in international relations including a right of intervention and punitive wars (Seliger 1969: 114-8; Tuck 1999: 173-8). A number of recent studies have gone further to argue that Locke’s natural law theory was designed at least in part to legitimize English colonial and mercantilist policies supporting military intervention against pre-monetarized, non-European societies (Pagden 2003: 183-4; Arneil 1996: 16-20, 163-5; Tully 1993: 154-55).

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Ward, Lee. "Locke on the Moral Basis of International Relations" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Southwestern Political Science Association, New Orleans, LA, Fairmont Hotel, Mar 23, 2005 <Not Available>. 2009-05-25 <http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p88828_index.html>

APA Citation:

Ward, L. , 2005-03-23 "Locke on the Moral Basis of International Relations" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Southwestern Political Science Association, New Orleans, LA, Fairmont Hotel Online <.PDF>. 2009-05-25 from http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p88828_index.html

Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: From the dawn of the modern period in the seventeenth century through to our own time the existence of the nation state has been the central organizing principle of the international system. However, debate about the moral basis of international relations is as old as the system itself. Today as in the past the recurring questions animating the debate about the role of the state in international relations include: Is the international system essentially anarchic marked by competition among independent states pursuing their national interest and power or does international relations provide a context of norms by which nations form a society of states? Does justice among nations rest on the core principles of sovereignty and non-intervention or is humanitarian intervention and the use of force to punish wrongdoing and protect the innocent justified by an overarching standard of international morality? Given the continuing theoretical and ethical debates in the twenty-first century about the rights and responsibilities of sovereign states and the limits and possibilities of international law and institutions, we are no less entitled now than perhaps at any other time to inquire, what, if anything, does it mean to speak of morality in international relations?
This paper will consider this question by examining the intersection of political philosophy and international relations in John Locke. At first glance Locke may appear an unlikely candidate for such a study. International relations were not the primary focus of his work, and foreign affairs is treated less systematically by Locke than other modern political philosophers such as Machiavelli, Grotius, and Kant. However, Locke’s significance as a seminal thinker in the liberal tradition of natural rights and constitutional government suggest that his relatively modest reflections on international relations merit more attention than they have historically received. Thankfully, a number of commentators have begun to reconsider Locke’s importance as a thinker on international relations. Some present Locke’s state of nature theory as a version of early modern realism typically associated with Machiavelli and Thomas Hobbes that endorsed the twin principles of the international state of anarchy and the primacy of sovereignty (Cox 1960; Ahrensdorf and Pangle 1999: 153-7). In this view, Locke’s assessment of the practical impotence of natural law and international morality left sovereignty, self-defence and national interest as the only reliable normative standards for international relations. Other commentators have discovered a rather different Locke, a proponent of a robust internationalism in which a permissive law of nature provides ready justification for the use of force in international relations including a right of intervention and punitive wars (Seliger 1969: 114-8; Tuck 1999: 173-8). A number of recent studies have gone further to argue that Locke’s natural law theory was designed at least in part to legitimize English colonial and mercantilist policies supporting military intervention against pre-monetarized, non-European societies (Pagden 2003: 183-4; Arneil 1996: 16-20, 163-5; Tully 1993: 154-55).

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Locke on the Moral Basis of International Relations Author: Dr. Lee Ward Campion College at the University of Regina Department of Political Science lee.ward@uregina.ca 2 From the dawn of the modern period in the seventeenth century through to our own time the existence of the nation state has been the central organizing principle of the international system. However debate about the moral basis of international relations is as old as the system itself. Today as in the past the
Francisco de. 1991. Political Writings. Anthony Pagden and Jeremy Lawrance eds. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Waldron Jeremy. 2002. God Locke and Equality. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 40 Walzer Michael. 1977. Just and Unjust Wars. New York: Basic Books. Wheeler Nicholas J. 2000. Saving Strangers: Humanitarian Intervention in International Society. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Wight Martin. 1966. "Western Values in International Relations." Diplomatic Investigations: Essays in the theory of International Politics. London: George Allen & Unwin. Pp. 89 -131. Zuckert


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