New versus Established Democracies
Jose Aleman
8
allocated through the monopolistic behavior of favored interest groups.
22
Baccaro, on the other hand, takes the view that structure and process may no
longer be closely associated in the politics of macro-corporatism, making national
policy concertation possible in a number of unlikely candidates. Inter- and intra-
organizational co-ordination remains important for the viability of concertation.
However, it can be achieved, even in relatively fragmented systems, by relying on
“democracy and discussion”.
23
The move towards more flexibility in labor relations has been accompanied by
claims to greater autonomy on the part of social partners to respond to economic
challenges. In new democracies, however, more autonomy sometimes glosses over the
prevailing imbalance of power between labor and management. In recognition of their
weaker bargaining position in relation to employers, many Third Wave democratizers
have introduced legislation to protect workers. Unfortunately, the situation remains out
of balance, and the will to autonomy may reinforce the power of capital at the expense
of labor.
The factors discussed so far suggest that whether acting defensively or
proactively, labor unions face multiple constraints in an increasingly globalized world.
In weakly organized systems or where bargaining resources are highly asymmetrical, it
is difficult for capital and labor to strike bargains and then sustain them, given that only
strong, centralized associations have been deemed capable of such exchange.
Przeworski argues, for example, that trade unions participate in social and economic
pacts only if they are “strong, centralized, and politically influential. Otherwise, they
22
Bronstein 1997.
23
Baccaro 2003.
Convention