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Have the Truly Disadvantaged Become Truly Demobilized: Examining the Effects of Neighborhood Poverty on Neighborhood Collective Action in Chicago, 1970-1990.
Unformatted Document Text:  17 I believe that there are two factors that can be used to explain why some poverty neighborhoods are able to act collectively. These reasons are: residential stability, organizational base, and the race and class composition of a neighborhood. The influence of residential stability on neighborhood outcomes is a contested topic in the urban inequality literature. On the one hand, those that use Wilson’s social isolation perspective (1987, 1996) believe that high rates of residential stability are harmful to the urban poor as this shows an inability to move from underclass areas to areas of greater social and economic stability (South and Crowder 1997). Furthermore, with the high rates of residential stability, those long-term residents of urban poverty are unable to develop social ties that help reduce crime (Patillo 1998) or build neighborhood efficacy (Sampson, Raudenbush, and Earls 1997) and therefore become further "isolated" from mainstream society. Rather than build networks where they consider their neighbor a friend and someone to be trusted, they view their neighbors as dangerous and a part of the lack of social organization in a neighborhood. On the other hand, a great deal of work argues that residential instability has a large positive effect on rates of crime and victimization (Shaw and McKay (1942), Sullenger (1950), Sampson (1985, 1991, et al 1997)). Scholars argue that this is due to the notion that increased turnover makes neighbors strangers, and creates difficulty in forming and maintaining networks. Therefore, population change leads to the breakdown of the informal social control that is necessary to prevent social disorganization from occurring in underclass neighborhoods. This disorganization leads to the social

Authors: Weffer-Elizondo, Simon.
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17
I believe that there are two factors that can be used to explain why some poverty
neighborhoods are able to act collectively. These reasons are: residential stability,
organizational base, and the race and class composition of a neighborhood.
The influence of residential stability on neighborhood outcomes is a contested
topic in the urban inequality literature. On the one hand, those that use Wilson’s social
isolation perspective (1987, 1996) believe that high rates of residential stability are
harmful to the urban poor as this shows an inability to move from underclass areas to
areas of greater social and economic stability (South and Crowder 1997). Furthermore,
with the high rates of residential stability, those long-term residents of urban poverty are
unable to develop social ties that help reduce crime (Patillo 1998) or build neighborhood
efficacy (Sampson, Raudenbush, and Earls 1997) and therefore become further "isolated"
from mainstream society. Rather than build networks where they consider their neighbor
a friend and someone to be trusted, they view their neighbors as dangerous and a part of
the lack of social organization in a neighborhood.
On the other hand, a great deal of work argues that residential instability has a
large positive effect on rates of crime and victimization (Shaw and McKay (1942),
Sullenger (1950), Sampson (1985, 1991, et al 1997)). Scholars argue that this is due to
the notion that increased turnover makes neighbors strangers, and creates difficulty in
forming and maintaining networks. Therefore, population change leads to the breakdown
of the informal social control that is necessary to prevent social disorganization from
occurring in underclass neighborhoods. This disorganization leads to the social


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