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Are borders only georgaphic? A case study of whether framing of women’s rights as human rights is successful at the domestic level
Unformatted Document Text:  Framing women’s rights as human rights 17 The Beijing NGO Forum and World conference in 1995 brought about 200 women to the NGO Forum who represent Russian NGOs “that owe their existence to grants from Western governments and private foundations” (Hockstader, 1995, September 1, p. A25). A Russian delegation in New York in 2000 included politics, Duma representatives, government administrators and no NGO activists. About 20 women represented several Russian NGOs in the Beijing+56 activities (Azhgikhina, 2000, June 6). Not only the number of NGO participants went down, their expectations were not as high as after the Beijing conference (McIntosh Sundstrom, 2002). The lack of communication between the official delegations and NGO activists was vivid in Beijing in 1995, “With an agenda and rhetorical style largely imported from the West, these Russian feminists have little in common with the official – and much more traditional – delegation of Russian women who will attend the U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing” (Hockstader, 1995, September 1). The delegations barely spoke to each other in Bejing. Five years later, NGO representative Berezhnaya made a similar comment, “Unfortunately, in New York the government delegation and the NGOs were separated and there was not the mutual enriching exchange of ideas” (We/Myi, 2000). Moreover, NGOs from this region do not communicate with one another. Often they see others as potential competitors for funding (Kay, 2000). Another problem is misunderstanding between two groups of women’s NGOs: Westernized NGOs, that actively use framing of women’s rights as human rights and locally emerged NGOs, that do not use this frame. The problem with latter ones is that they do not have any unified framework, so their comments are often unnoticed.

Authors: Tsetsura, Katerina.
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Framing women’s rights as human rights
17
The Beijing NGO Forum and World conference in 1995 brought about 200 women to the
NGO Forum who represent Russian NGOs “that owe their existence to grants from Western
governments and private foundations” (Hockstader, 1995, September 1, p. A25). A Russian
delegation in New York in 2000 included politics, Duma representatives, government
administrators and no NGO activists. About 20 women represented several Russian NGOs in the
Beijing+56 activities (Azhgikhina, 2000, June 6). Not only the number of NGO participants went
down, their expectations were not as high as after the Beijing conference (McIntosh Sundstrom,
2002).
The lack of communication between the official delegations and NGO activists was vivid
in Beijing in 1995, “With an agenda and rhetorical style largely imported from the West, these
Russian feminists have little in common with the official – and much more traditional –
delegation of Russian women who will attend the U.N. Fourth World Conference on Women in
Beijing” (Hockstader, 1995, September 1). The delegations barely spoke to each other in Bejing.
Five years later, NGO representative Berezhnaya made a similar comment, “Unfortunately, in
New York the government delegation and the NGOs were separated and there was not the
mutual enriching exchange of ideas” (We/Myi, 2000).
Moreover, NGOs from this region do not communicate with one another. Often they see
others as potential competitors for funding (Kay, 2000). Another problem is misunderstanding
between two groups of women’s NGOs: Westernized NGOs, that actively use framing of
women’s rights as human rights and locally emerged NGOs, that do not use this frame. The
problem with latter ones is that they do not have any unified framework, so their comments are
often unnoticed.


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