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Are borders only georgaphic? A case study of whether framing of women’s rights as human rights is successful at the domestic level
Unformatted Document Text:  Framing women’s rights as human rights 4 implementing the Platform. NGOs also suggested to evaluate how the Platform has been implemented in different countries, and, as a result of this suggestion, governments produced and presented implementation reports (Women Action 2000, 2000). International, regional, and national NGOs believed that many obstacles, highlighted in the twelve areas of the Platform, remained worldwide (Timothy & Freeman, 2000). Thus, many national and regional NGOs saw their role as monitoring and facilitating the implementation of the Platform by the governments and actively communicating the results of such observations to international publics, including other states, IGOs and INGOs. However, not all NGOs are successful in these activities. In what follows, I demonstrate why the frame of women’s rights as human rights, which is actively used on the international arena, can be problematic at the domestic level. Using a theoretical analysis of transnational advocacy networks by Keck and Sikkink (1998), I specifically examine why frames, essential networks’ political strategies, used by women’s NGOs should have alternatives to the existent women’s rights as human rights frame. I argue that at the domestic level the issue of women’s rights need to be presented in greater detail rather than the existent human rights frame allows it to be, and, thus, in order to be more successful, the issue of women’s rights should be reframed. To support this argument, I analyze a problem of the implementation of the Platform for Action in 15 countries of the former U.S.S.R. Looking at the particularities of NGOs in that region, their interactions with States and international organizations, specifically the Untied Nations, I examine ineffectiveness of the international frame of women’s rights as human rights on the domestic level in this region. After summarizing the major components of Keck and Sikkink’s theory of transnational advocacy networks, I apply the theory to this case highlighting

Authors: Tsetsura, Katerina.
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Framing women’s rights as human rights
4
implementing the Platform. NGOs also suggested to evaluate how the Platform has been
implemented in different countries, and, as a result of this suggestion, governments produced and
presented implementation reports (Women Action 2000, 2000).
International, regional, and national NGOs believed that many obstacles, highlighted in
the twelve areas of the Platform, remained worldwide (Timothy & Freeman, 2000). Thus, many
national and regional NGOs saw their role as monitoring and facilitating the implementation of
the Platform by the governments and actively communicating the results of such observations to
international publics, including other states, IGOs and INGOs. However, not all NGOs are
successful in these activities.
In what follows, I demonstrate why the frame of women’s rights as human rights, which
is actively used on the international arena, can be problematic at the domestic level. Using a
theoretical analysis of transnational advocacy networks by Keck and Sikkink (1998), I
specifically examine why frames, essential networks’ political strategies, used by women’s
NGOs should have alternatives to the existent women’s rights as human rights frame. I argue that
at the domestic level the issue of women’s rights need to be presented in greater detail rather
than the existent human rights frame allows it to be, and, thus, in order to be more successful, the
issue of women’s rights should be reframed.
To support this argument, I analyze a problem of the implementation of the Platform for
Action in 15 countries of the former U.S.S.R. Looking at the particularities of NGOs in that
region, their interactions with States and international organizations, specifically the Untied
Nations, I examine ineffectiveness of the international frame of women’s rights as human rights
on the domestic level in this region. After summarizing the major components of Keck and
Sikkink’s theory of transnational advocacy networks, I apply the theory to this case highlighting


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