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Young migrants in the borderlands: femicide in Cd. Jurez and the state discourse and initiatives on female working class, brown citizens in the border.
Unformatted Document Text:  30 masculine order is seen in the fact that it dispenses with justification: the androcentric vision imposes itself as neutral and has no need to spell itself out in discourse aimed at legitimizing it. The social order functions as an immense symbolic machine tending to ratify the masculine domination on which it is founded: it is the sexual division of labor, a very strict distribution of the activities assigned to each sex, of their place, time and instruments, it is the structure of space, with the opposition of public and domestic space. Not surprisingly, activists’ work has been continuously stigmatized as unworthy. For example, Zulma Mendez said to me: “I remember when Judith Galarza (one activist) was being interviewed on the radio, people called to the radio station and stated that she should be looking after her kids, washing the dishes, and that she was just wasting time in the chisme and creating waves. The very people who are defending women have been victims of sexual harassment and violence.” Sexism against women of Juarez has become endemic, if not pandemic, in social formations of those whose perceived power is considered potentially threatening. As bell hooks (2001), stated “all forms of violence are interrelated coalescing like a girdle to keep women subordinated to men.” Thus, rape, obscene phone calls, battering, murder, sexual harassment, torture and other forms of both physical and nonphysical violence against women have the same end: to perpetuate male dominance. Conclusions Although the neoliberal State stresses the ability of its citizens to compete and participate as individuals in this new modern economy, it insists representing women basically in association with the household, family and motherhood. Women are 'free' to conform to the hegemonic female identity. Women who challenge such hegemony are considered loose-live women.

Authors: Chew, Martha. and Prieto, Leonel.
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30
masculine order is seen in the fact that it dispenses with justification: the androcentric
vision imposes itself as neutral and has no need to spell itself out in discourse aimed at
legitimizing it. The social order functions as an immense symbolic machine tending to
ratify the masculine domination on which it is founded: it is the sexual division of labor, a
very strict distribution of the activities assigned to each sex, of their place, time and
instruments, it is the structure of space, with the opposition of public and domestic
space. Not surprisingly, activists’ work has been continuously stigmatized as unworthy.
For example, Zulma Mendez said to me:
“I remember when Judith Galarza (one activist) was being
interviewed on the radio, people called to the radio station
and stated that she should be looking after her kids, washing
the dishes, and that she was just wasting time in the chisme
and creating waves. The very people who are defending women
have been victims of sexual harassment and violence.”
Sexism against women of Juarez has become endemic, if not pandemic, in social
formations of those whose perceived power is considered potentially threatening. As
bell hooks (2001), stated “all forms of violence are interrelated coalescing like a girdle to
keep women subordinated to men.” Thus, rape, obscene phone calls, battering, murder,
sexual harassment, torture and other forms of both physical and nonphysical violence
against women have the same end: to perpetuate male dominance.
Conclusions
Although the neoliberal State stresses the ability of its citizens to compete and
participate as individuals in this new modern economy, it insists representing women
basically in association with the household, family and motherhood. Women are 'free' to
conform to the hegemonic female identity. Women who challenge such hegemony are
considered loose-live women.


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