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A general process model of the gender-linked language effect: Antecedents for and consequences of language used by men and women
Unformatted Document Text:  General Process Model of the GLLE 9 masculine style (convergent and gender-incongruent), the latter result presumably a consequence of a power difference favoring men (Hogg, 1985). On the other hand, Mulac, Wiemann, Widenmann, & Gibson, (1988) provide evidence that both men and women may converge to the language style of their opposite-sex partner in mixed-sex interactions. Most interestingly from the standpoint of this paper, in a mixed-sex condition men, were rated as higher in aesthetic quality than were women ,and women were rated as higher in dynamism than were men, a reversal of the typical pattern for the gender-linked language effect. So, women converged and behaved gender-inconsistently in both the Hogg (1985) and Mulac et al. (1988) studies, whereas men diverged in the former and converged in the latter. Hogg employed British respondents, whereas Mulac’s respondents were American, so perhaps culture is a factor in accounting for this difference. Under what conditions will both men and women diverge linguistically and behave gender-consistently? Perhaps when there is high gender vitality (parallel to ethnic vitality; Giles & Johnson, 1987; Hogg & Rigoli, 1996) and when gender identity is strong. Arguably, strong gender identity resides more in sex-typed than non sex-typed individuals (Bem, 1985) whereas gender vitality seems likely to vary with culture, as well as with situational factors that emphasize positive or negative aspects of gender identity. Apart from mixed-sex interaction, any situation in which gender is the topic or focus of interaction is likely to raise the salience of gender and activate gender-linked language schemata and stereotypes (e.g., Postmes & Spears, 2002). How these activated cognitive structures are used in language production is a function of speaker intentions and role requirements. For example, corporate middle-managers and professionals were found to criticize peers in language that showed both same-sex and opposite-sex features (Mulac, Seibold, & Farris, 2000). The interesting thing here is how the situation/role reversed/minimized the usual pattern. So the

Authors: Mulac, Anthony., Bradac, James. and Palomares, Nicholas.
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General Process Model of the GLLE
9
masculine style (convergent and gender-incongruent), the latter result presumably a consequence
of a power difference favoring men (Hogg, 1985). On the other hand, Mulac, Wiemann,
Widenmann, & Gibson, (1988) provide evidence that both men and women may converge to the
language style of their opposite-sex partner in mixed-sex interactions. Most interestingly from
the standpoint of this paper, in a mixed-sex condition men, were rated as higher in aesthetic
quality than were women ,and women were rated as higher in dynamism than were men, a
reversal of the typical pattern for the gender-linked language effect. So, women converged and
behaved gender-inconsistently in both the Hogg (1985) and Mulac et al. (1988) studies, whereas
men diverged in the former and converged in the latter. Hogg employed British respondents,
whereas Mulac’s respondents were American, so perhaps culture is a factor in accounting for this
difference. Under what conditions will both men and women diverge linguistically and behave
gender-consistently? Perhaps when there is high gender vitality (parallel to ethnic vitality; Giles
& Johnson, 1987; Hogg & Rigoli, 1996) and when gender identity is strong. Arguably, strong
gender identity resides more in sex-typed than non sex-typed individuals (Bem, 1985) whereas
gender vitality seems likely to vary with culture, as well as with situational factors that
emphasize positive or negative aspects of gender identity.
Apart from mixed-sex interaction, any situation in which gender is the topic or focus of
interaction is likely to raise the salience of gender and activate gender-linked language schemata
and stereotypes (e.g., Postmes & Spears, 2002). How these activated cognitive structures are
used in language production is a function of speaker intentions and role requirements. For
example, corporate middle-managers and professionals were found to criticize peers in language
that showed both same-sex and opposite-sex features (Mulac, Seibold, & Farris, 2000). The
interesting thing here is how the situation/role reversed/minimized the usual pattern. So the


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