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From the 'Battle of Seattle' to the 'War on Terrorism' in The New York Times
Unformatted Document Text:  From the ‘Battle of Seattle’ to the ‘War on Terrorism’ 18 18 • The number of negative and neutral terms used to describe anti-globalization events went down very slightly over time, while the number of positive descriptors increased. An important framing shift occurred among the types of sources categorized as movement members: People identified as members of established labor or environmental organizations such as the AFL-CIO and the Sierra Club virtually disappeared after the first year. Ninety-four percent of all the mainstream unionists and 75 percent of all the mainstream environmentalists used in this three-year period are quoted in Seattle, Washington, D.C., or Prague. This combined category averages from .08 to 1.5 quotes per story. By contrast, individual protestors, sympathetic celebrity figures, and members of other activist groups represented the largest category of sources in every time period; their average usage rose from 3.6 quotes per story in Seattle to 6.2 quotes per story in New York. The number of media sources quoted per story rises from .06 and .07 in the first two protests to the .3-1.5 range in most subsequent coverage. While the anti-globalization movement thus may appear to have lost more institutional elements of its support, it was increasingly framed in this newspaper as diverse, individualist, perhaps even fashionable. The second research question aimed to consider ways in which the New York Times’ framing of anti-globalization dissent might have changed after the World Trade Center attacks. According to this analysis, there was no overall shift in movement visibility and a slight rise in the use of nonofficial sources in coverage after that date. The biggest change occurred in the number of positive movement descriptors, which dips from an average of 14.4 per story in Genoa (the period ending on September 11, 2001) to 2.6 per story in Doha (the period following that date). However, this trend reversed quickly and substantially—leaping up to 9.2 positive terms per story—in the subsequent time period. The number of negative member descriptors appeared not to have been affected by the terrorist activities. And, the percentage of positive

Authors: Rauch, Jennifer., Chitrapu, Sunitha., Evans, John., Mwesige, Peter., Paine, Christopher. and Eastman, Susan.
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From the ‘Battle of Seattle’ to the ‘War on Terrorism’ 18
18
The number of negative and neutral terms used to describe anti-globalization events
went down very slightly over time, while the number of positive descriptors increased.
An important framing shift occurred among the types of sources categorized as
movement members: People identified as members of established labor or environmental
organizations such as the AFL-CIO and the Sierra Club virtually disappeared after the first year.
Ninety-four percent of all the mainstream unionists and 75 percent of all the mainstream
environmentalists used in this three-year period are quoted in Seattle, Washington, D.C., or
Prague. This combined category averages from .08 to 1.5 quotes per story. By contrast,
individual protestors, sympathetic celebrity figures, and members of other activist groups
represented the largest category of sources in every time period; their average usage rose from
3.6 quotes per story in Seattle to 6.2 quotes per story in New York. The number of media sources
quoted per story rises from .06 and .07 in the first two protests to the .3-1.5 range in most
subsequent coverage. While the anti-globalization movement thus may appear to have lost more
institutional elements of its support, it was increasingly framed in this newspaper as diverse,
individualist, perhaps even fashionable.
The second research question aimed to consider ways in which the New York Times’
framing of anti-globalization dissent might have changed after the World Trade Center attacks.
According to this analysis, there was no overall shift in movement visibility and a slight rise in
the use of nonofficial sources in coverage after that date. The biggest change occurred in the
number of positive movement descriptors, which dips from an average of 14.4 per story in
Genoa (the period ending on September 11, 2001) to 2.6 per story in Doha (the period following
that date). However, this trend reversed quickly and substantially—leaping up to 9.2 positive
terms per story—in the subsequent time period. The number of negative member descriptors
appeared not to have been affected by the terrorist activities. And, the percentage of positive


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