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Rebel Mystic: Toward a Theorization of the Aesthetic and Communicative Dimensions of Reggae and Dub
Unformatted Document Text:  22 In contrast, if countries have transitioned to democracy with a low level of economic development, their levels of democracy may have to be based solely on the procedural rights. In other words, these “immature democracies” may have to wait until they achieve a mid-level of economic development before one accounts the distribution of power that results from a rise in the level of income distribution. Moreover, the governments of these “immature democracies” may have to make some tough economic decisions and choices. For instance, the initial task of these governments could be to promote economic development itself rather than, say, income levels. The history of industrialized democracies like the United States, United Kingdom, and Germany, as Kuznets (1955) shows, suggests that income inequality among citizens may have, in fact, to go up before it comes down. The industrialization process tends to create business groups that would accumulate wealth. Yet, governments in poorer democracies could promote the growth of both domestic business and social development. Investments in infrastructure and education, among other things, would likely increase the probability of these countries becoming economically developed and having higher levels of social and political equalities. In sum, democratic development after transition to democracy will likely require continuous economic development. Modernization theory is at work even after the democratic transition is achieved. Interestingly, Przeworski and Limongi (1997) seem to believe that modernization theory is a theory of transition to democracy (or causes of democracy) but not of democratic ‘stability’. And the strong empirical relationship they find between economic development and democratic survival or ‘stability’ is, according to these scholars, explained by something else but not by modernization theory. However, that does not seem to be the case. Rather, these

Authors: Tracy, James.
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In contrast, if countries have transitioned to democracy with a low level of economic
development, their levels of democracy may have to be based solely on the procedural
rights. In other words, these “immature democracies” may have to wait until they
achieve a mid-level of economic development before one accounts the distribution of
power that results from a rise in the level of income distribution. Moreover, the
governments of these “immature democracies” may have to make some tough economic
decisions and choices. For instance, the initial task of these governments could be to
promote economic development itself rather than, say, income levels. The history of
industrialized democracies like the United States, United Kingdom, and Germany, as
Kuznets (1955) shows, suggests that income inequality among citizens may have, in fact,
to go up before it comes down. The industrialization process tends to create business
groups that would accumulate wealth. Yet, governments in poorer democracies could
promote the growth of both domestic business and social development. Investments in
infrastructure and education, among other things, would likely increase the probability of
these countries becoming economically developed and having higher levels of social and
political equalities. In sum, democratic development after transition to democracy will
likely require continuous economic development. Modernization theory is at work even
after the democratic transition is achieved. Interestingly, Przeworski and Limongi (1997)
seem to believe that modernization theory is a theory of transition to democracy (or
causes of democracy) but not of democratic ‘stability’. And the strong empirical
relationship they find between economic development and democratic survival or
‘stability’ is, according to these scholars, explained by something else but not by
modernization theory. However, that does not seem to be the case. Rather, these


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