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A Structural Equation Model of Support for English-only Policies and Social Limitation of Immigrants and Minorities
Unformatted Document Text:  Social Limitation Structural Equation Model 3 Introduction There is no better time for us to take up the challenge of explicating the communicative antecedents and consequences of English-only and other ethnocentric movements… It would be hard to find a topic where communication can serve the public interest better than in understanding the impact of language on identity and its negotiation through communication. (Gallois, 2001, p. 4) In recent years, there have been many attempts in the United States to ensure that English remains the dominant language in the public sphere (Schmidt, 2000). To date, 23 English-only or official English state-level initiatives have been introduced as statutes, or passed (often overwhelmingly) by referenda (Crawford, 2002). In California, standardized tests (called SAT 9 tests) are given in English to all students, including limited English proficient students (Cooper, 1999). And there have been numerous examples of personal discrimination based on lack of English proficiency, or use of other languages at work, and in the provision of services (e.g., Barrett, 1993; Sack, 1999; School, EEOC settle English-only suit, 2001; Westphal, 2000). English-only initiatives appear to embody a pattern of concern among Anglo-Americans about their position relative to other ethnic groups -- particularly Latinos. In terms of objective indicators, research shows that such fears are largely without foundation (Barker, Giles, Noels, Duck, Hecht, & Clément, 2001). However, the belief that Latinos represent a "threat" to the dominant Anglo-American majority may account for support for English-only policies. For example, Huddy and Sears (1995) examined attitudes toward bilingual education of Anglo parents living in heavily Latino areas who had children in a bilingual education program, and who believed that learning Spanish is of little use to their child.

Authors: Barker, Valerie. and Giles, Howard.
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Social Limitation Structural Equation Model 3
Introduction
There is no better time for us to take up the challenge of explicating the
communicative antecedents and consequences of English-only and other
ethnocentric movements… It would be hard to find a topic where communication
can serve the public interest better than in understanding the impact of language
on identity and its negotiation through communication. (Gallois, 2001, p. 4)
In recent years, there have been many attempts in the United States to ensure
that English remains the dominant language in the public sphere (Schmidt, 2000). To
date, 23 English-only or official English state-level initiatives have been introduced as
statutes, or passed (often overwhelmingly) by referenda (Crawford, 2002). In California,
standardized tests (called SAT 9 tests) are given in English to all students, including
limited English proficient students (Cooper, 1999). And there have been numerous
examples of personal discrimination based on lack of English proficiency, or use of
other languages at work, and in the provision of services (e.g., Barrett, 1993; Sack,
1999; School, EEOC settle English-only suit, 2001; Westphal, 2000). English-only
initiatives appear to embody a pattern of concern among Anglo-Americans about their
position relative to other ethnic groups -- particularly Latinos.
In terms of objective indicators, research shows that such fears are largely
without foundation (Barker, Giles, Noels, Duck, Hecht, & Clément, 2001). However, the
belief that Latinos represent a "threat" to the dominant Anglo-American majority may
account for support for English-only policies. For example, Huddy and Sears (1995)
examined attitudes toward bilingual education of Anglo parents living in heavily Latino
areas who had children in a bilingual education program, and who believed that learning
Spanish is of little use to their child.


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