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Assessing Media Exemplars and Shifting Journalistic Paradigms: A Survey Study of China’s Journalists
Unformatted Document Text:  28 results carry two-fold meanings. One is the recognition of a “division of labor” among the Party-controlled media emerged from the reforms. Some media, typically evening or urban papers targeted at urban residents or services-oriented TV or radio shows, may concentrate on providing practical information to or expressing grievances among target audiences, while others, such as the official People’s Daily and local designated “Party organs” such as the Liberation Daily continue to function as authoritative means to propagate Party policies. The other implication of this pattern is a further delineation of the “popular advocacy” role of the media. It is clear that this factor does not mean the media functioning as a conduit and forum for citizens’ participation in political process, as it is implied in the U.S. context (Weaver & Wilhoit, 1996). Any direct comparison of journalistic roles between China and the U.S. (or any other western democracy) without considering such localized meanings will result in misleading interpretations. One more thing to note is that from Tables 3 and 4, we can see that by and large, “desired training” variables do not alter the relationships between role beliefs and media exemplar assessments (see “beta final” columns). Changes in incremental R-squares suggest an overlap between the two blocs of variables. However, the effects on individual parameters are limited. The only possible exception may be the relationship between interpretive role and Party organs, whose significance is reduced to a marginal level (beta=.097, p<.10). Desired training. The second panel of Tables 3 and 4 show the relationships between desired training variables and media exemplar assessments. At the bivariate level, the evidence again supports H 2 by showing the similarities between the Southern Weekend and elite foreign media and between Xinmin Evening and Party organs. The

Authors: Pan, Zhongdang. and Chan, Joseph Man.
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28
results carry two-fold meanings. One is the recognition of a “division of labor” among
the Party-controlled media emerged from the reforms. Some media, typically evening or
urban papers targeted at urban residents or services-oriented TV or radio shows, may
concentrate on providing practical information to or expressing grievances among target
audiences, while others, such as the official People’s Daily and local designated “Party
organs” such as the Liberation Daily continue to function as authoritative means to
propagate Party policies. The other implication of this pattern is a further delineation of
the “popular advocacy” role of the media. It is clear that this factor does not mean the
media functioning as a conduit and forum for citizens’ participation in political process,
as it is implied in the U.S. context (Weaver & Wilhoit, 1996). Any direct comparison of
journalistic roles between China and the U.S. (or any other western democracy) without
considering such localized meanings will result in misleading interpretations.
One more thing to note is that from Tables 3 and 4, we can see that by and large,
“desired training” variables do not alter the relationships between role beliefs and media
exemplar assessments (see “beta final” columns). Changes in incremental R-squares
suggest an overlap between the two blocs of variables. However, the effects on
individual parameters are limited. The only possible exception may be the relationship
between interpretive role and Party organs, whose significance is reduced to a marginal
level (beta=.097, p<.10).
Desired
training. The second panel of Tables 3 and 4 show the relationships
between desired training variables and media exemplar assessments. At the bivariate
level, the evidence again supports H
2
by showing the similarities between the Southern
Weekend and elite foreign media and between Xinmin Evening and Party organs. The


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