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living on after him, without him present. Perhaps this ability to imagine his family as
significant after his death is similar to his imagination of his body as having significance
after his death. Nevertheless, it may be possible to generate effective organ donation
campaigns directed towards males by appealing to them in a manner similar to the appeal
used by life insurance companies. Such campaigns would focus on the “family of man,”
mapping a man’s sense of responsibility to care for his family after his death, onto a
man’s similar and associated responsibility to care for his community after his death.
Our earlier research has indicated that reliance on stories during organ donation
discussions is related to more positive responses from family members (Thompson &
Robinson, 2002); perhaps future campaigns could include stories that are particularly
likely to appeal to men. Such stories might emphasize the role of males within our
society as “breadwinner”, “fighters”, or “sturdy oaks,” some common cultural stereotypes
of men (Messner, 2001; Wood, 2003; Worley & Vannoy, 2001). Similarly, the
Thompson and Robinson (2002) data indicate that conversations including
moral/altruistic or religious reasons for donation are also related to positive outcomes.
Donation campaigns might be well advised to emphasize those reasons that are more
likely to appeal to male stereotypes in an attempt to have more persuasive impact on men.
However, because women are also donors in large numbers and are more likely to be the
decision makers for deceased male potential donors (Siminoff et al., 2001), campaigns
must also continue to include the appeals that have apparently been working to some
degree with females.
Limitations and Future Research
Convention