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DOUBT FORECLOSED: U.S. MAINSTREAM MEDIA AND THE ATTACKS OF SEPTEMBER 11, 2001
Unformatted Document Text:  Doubt Foreclosed 14 (c) Media references to U.S. interests in Central Asia and U.S. financing of the Taliban were scarce; anti-U.S. perspectives were routinely attributed to Muslims. Contextualization rarely extended to 1998 proposals of former presidential security advisor and consultant to BP Amoco, Zbigniew Brzezinski (1998), who proposed the U.S. should consolidate control over Middle East and South Asian oil, while colonizing the Soviet Union. Afghanistan, he argued, provided an operational basis for destabilization, division and control of South Asia, and delivery of Caspian oil to the West. Even more compelling reference could have been to the Wolfowitz Memorandum, a document prepared by Paul Wolfowitz when he was Undersecretary of State for Bush Senior and before he became chief foreign policy advisor to Bush in the run-up to the 2000 presidential campaign, subsequently winning appointment as Secretary of State. In this 46-page document he envisioned what Raimondo (1999) called a U.S. “world empire beyond the dreams of Alexander, dominating the globe and slapping down any who would aspire to even nominal independence”. Even in the Fall of 2002, few if any mainstream U.S. media sources picked up a report (Mackay, 2002) that appeared in the Scottish Sunday Herald. This referred to a secret blueprint (“Rebuilding America’ Defenses: Strategies, Forces and Resources for a New Century” drawn up by the neoconservative think- tank Project for the New American Century) for U.S. global domination prepared by Bush and his future cabinet (Richard Cheney, David Rumsfeld, Paul Wolfowitz, Jeb Bush and Lewis Libby) prior to the 2000 presidential election. Mackay alleged that the plan showed that the Bush cabinet intended to take military control of the Gulf region whether or not Saddam Hussein was in power. It called for “maintaining global U.S. pre-eminence, precluding the rise of a greater power rival, and shaping the international security order in line with American principles and interests,” a process that would include regime change in China and the discouragement of challenges to U.S. leadership from advanced industrial nations, even on a regional basis. The relentless build-up throughout 2002 towards pre-emptive war with Iraq, in the context of dubious evidence of Iraqi stockpiling of nuclear and biological weapons, and accompanied by aggressive claims from the White House to eternal global superiority, merely reinforce the earlier evidence of intent and increase the suspicion that 9-11 was welcome to the Bush administration. There was little media reference in the Fall of 2001 to the “Great Game,” Kipling’s term for 19th century competition between Britain and Russia for Central Asia. Most of the 67 “Great Game” press references in four months were rhetorical hooks on which to peg reports of current developments.

Authors: Boyd-Barrett, J..
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Doubt Foreclosed
14
(c) Media references to U.S. interests in Central Asia and U.S. financing of the Taliban were scarce;
anti-U.S. perspectives were routinely attributed to Muslims. Contextualization rarely extended to 1998
proposals of former presidential security advisor and consultant to BP Amoco, Zbigniew Brzezinski
(1998),
who proposed the U.S. should consolidate control over Middle East and South Asian oil, while colonizing
the Soviet Union. Afghanistan, he argued, provided an operational basis for destabilization, division and
control of South Asia, and delivery of Caspian oil to the West. Even more compelling reference could
have been to the Wolfowitz Memorandum, a document prepared by Paul Wolfowitz when he was
Undersecretary of State for Bush Senior and before he became chief foreign policy advisor to Bush in the
run-up to the 2000 presidential campaign, subsequently winning appointment as Secretary of State. In this
46-page document he envisioned what Raimondo (1999) called a U.S. “world empire beyond the dreams of
Alexander, dominating the globe and slapping down any who would aspire to even nominal independence”.
Even in the Fall of 2002, few if any mainstream U.S. media sources picked up a report (Mackay, 2002) that
appeared in the Scottish Sunday Herald. This referred to a secret blueprint (“Rebuilding America’
Defenses: Strategies, Forces and Resources for a New Century” drawn up by the neoconservative think-
tank Project for the New American Century) for U.S. global domination prepared by Bush and his future
cabinet (Richard Cheney, David Rumsfeld, Paul Wolfowitz, Jeb Bush and Lewis Libby) prior to the 2000
presidential election. Mackay alleged that the plan showed that the Bush cabinet intended to take military
control of the Gulf region whether or not Saddam Hussein was in power. It called for “maintaining global
U.S. pre-eminence, precluding the rise of a greater power rival, and shaping the international security order
in line with American principles and interests,” a process that would include regime change in China and
the discouragement of challenges to U.S. leadership from advanced industrial nations, even on a regional
basis. The relentless build-up throughout 2002 towards pre-emptive war with Iraq, in the context of
dubious evidence of Iraqi stockpiling of nuclear and biological weapons, and accompanied by aggressive
claims from the White House to eternal global superiority, merely reinforce the earlier evidence of intent
and increase the suspicion that 9-11 was welcome to the Bush administration.
There was little media reference in the Fall of 2001 to the “Great Game,” Kipling’s term for 19th
century competition between Britain and Russia for Central Asia. Most of the 67 “Great Game” press
references in four months were rhetorical hooks on which to peg reports of current developments.


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