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DOUBT FORECLOSED: U.S. MAINSTREAM MEDIA AND THE ATTACKS OF SEPTEMBER 11, 2001
Unformatted Document Text:  Doubt Foreclosed 19 Spring 2001, providing a script for 9-11 decoding, saw the appearance of Hollywood’s Pearl Harbor, produced by Jerry Bruckheimer, directed by Michael Bay from a Randall Wallace screenplay, and distributed by Disney’s Buena Vista. (Bruckheimer also produced Pentagon-abetted Black Hawk Down). Short on historical detail, it reaffirmed the conventional narrative of a total surprise attack, planned with un-deciphered codes, executed under radio silence. Histories by Robert Stinnett (1999) and John Toland (1977) recount a different story, of an attack that was anticipated, provoked by the U.S.A in conformity with an eight-stage plan (including denial of Japanese access to oil supplies, and concentration of the fleet in Hawaii), monitored at every stage, while intelligence was denied to navy authorities in Hawaii. Roosevelt calculated the attack would unite what was, until December 7, 1941 a country deeply divided over U.S. involvement in the “European” war. The main, negotiated, result of U.S. entry was that it became the world’s superpower. Pearl Harbor’s 2,897 fatalities eerily recall the 2,900 World Trade Center deaths in 2001. If Islamic terrorism was deemed by the U.S.A. to have reached massive nuclear or biological capability, then a U.S. strategy of worldwide intervention is entirely plausible, but such a strategy would likely have been impossible to justify to world opinion prior to 9-11. (f) There is greater certainty of deception behind the 1964 Gulf of Tonkin incidents, pretext for President Johnson (perceiving a need to be “tough” on Vietnam, to secure his re-election) to commit 500,000 troops (58,000 Americans died, and one million Vietnamese). Drawing on books by Davidson (1998), Ford (1997), McNamara (1996), Moise (1996) and Tourison (1997), Ford (1997) analyzed the deception . Beschloss (2001) recorded that within weeks of Congressional authorization, Johnson privately acknowledged that the second Gulf of Tonkin “attack” probably never happened. This version of events was confirmed by tapes released in 2002 of White House phone conversations (Richter, 2002, who notes that “there is ample evidence that the United States was a provocateur in 1964, not an innocent bystander.”) Congressional passage of the Tonkin Gulf Resolution was the closest thing to declaration of war against North Vietnam, giving Johnson a blank check. Jeff Cohen and Norman Solomon (1994) recall press accolades for Johnson’s speech of August 4 1964. They quote author Tom Wells, who told how media “described the air strikes that Johnson launched in response as merely ‘tit for tat’....when in reality they reflected plans the Administration had already drawn up for gradually increasing its overt military pressure

Authors: Boyd-Barrett, J..
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Doubt Foreclosed
19
Spring 2001, providing a script for 9-11 decoding, saw the appearance of Hollywood’s Pearl
Harbor, produced by Jerry Bruckheimer, directed by Michael Bay from a Randall Wallace screenplay, and
distributed by Disney’s Buena Vista. (Bruckheimer also produced Pentagon-abetted Black Hawk Down).
Short on historical detail, it reaffirmed the conventional narrative of a total surprise attack, planned with
un-deciphered codes, executed under radio silence.
Histories by Robert Stinnett (1999) and John Toland
(1977) recount a different story, of an attack that
was anticipated, provoked by the U.S.A in conformity with an eight-stage plan (including denial of
Japanese access to oil supplies, and concentration of the fleet in Hawaii), monitored at every stage, while
intelligence was denied to navy authorities in Hawaii. Roosevelt calculated the attack would unite what
was, until December 7, 1941 a country deeply divided over U.S. involvement in the “European” war. The
main, negotiated, result of U.S. entry was that it became the world’s superpower.
Pearl Harbor’s 2,897 fatalities eerily recall the 2,900 World Trade Center deaths in 2001. If Islamic
terrorism was deemed by the U.S.A. to have reached massive nuclear or biological capability, then a U.S.
strategy of worldwide intervention is entirely plausible, but such a strategy would likely have been
impossible to justify to world opinion prior to 9-11.
(f) There is greater certainty of deception behind the 1964 Gulf of Tonkin incidents, pretext for
President Johnson (perceiving a need to be “tough” on Vietnam, to secure his re-election) to commit
500,000 troops (58,000 Americans died, and one million Vietnamese). Drawing on books by Davidson
(1998), Ford (1997), McNamara (1996), Moise (1996) and Tourison (1997), Ford (1997) analyzed the
deception
.
Beschloss (2001) recorded that within weeks of Congressional authorization, Johnson privately
acknowledged that the second Gulf of Tonkin “attack” probably never happened. This version of events
was confirmed by tapes released in 2002 of White House phone conversations (Richter, 2002, who notes
that “there is ample evidence that the United States was a provocateur in 1964, not an innocent bystander.”)
Congressional passage of the Tonkin Gulf Resolution was the closest thing to declaration of war against
North Vietnam, giving Johnson a blank check. Jeff Cohen and Norman Solomon (1994) recall press
accolades for Johnson’s speech of August 4 1964. They quote author Tom Wells, who told how media
“described the air strikes that Johnson launched in response as merely ‘tit for tat’....when in reality they
reflected plans the Administration had already drawn up for gradually increasing its overt military pressure


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