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From Midnight to Broad Daylight: The constructive capabilities of techno and
Unformatted Document Text:  From Midnight to Broad Daylight 13 live performance equipment was set up on the ground level. Thus, performers occupied the same space as dancers in order to minimize any potential hierarchical relations. Instead an emphasis was placed on the notion that each individual has an equal and integral role in this space. In a discussion on the politics of rave culture Martin argues that "raves attract a wide variety of people, transcending class, ethnic, gender, and sexual orientation differences" (p. 78). While I think Martin is idealistic in suggesting that notions of community in rave culture can be extended to a sense of tribalism (Martin, 1999, p. 85), I agree that at the very least the breakdown between performer and audience signals a desire and intent to establish a sense of community. Returning to aesthetics, Hoy claims that the recent key to popular culture "lies in the aesthetic (or often, anti-aesthetic) avowal of superficiality, of vacancy, of as little meaning as possible" which in turn has created a generation of "hyperconformist consumer[s]" (1992, p. 775). All of Hoy’s signals reinforce many of the tenets of postmodernism which tends to emphasize visual style. Thus, it should not be surprising that appearances and other visuals are the foundation on which arguably the largest and most global music subculture in the 1990s, if not throughout history (Martin, 1999, p. 84), was built. Even the sense of community that the culture strives for is aesthetically enhanced in purposeful ways as the discussion below demonstrates. Soon after the rave scene migrated to the U.S. the "Ameri-raver" stereotype emerged (Silcott, 1999, p45). Individuals took advantage of the idea that each person had the freedom to be whomever or whatever they wanted to be in this environment. As Silcott puts it youth took this liberty to the extreme. Ameri-ravers gobbled too many Es. They said "dude" a lot and spoke of "PLUR". They pierced the dickens out of their bodies. They got tattoos. Based on British hardcore style, skateboarder fashion, old-school hip-hop, and preschool favorites, their dress code consisted of pixie skirts, fuzzy-animal rucksacks, pigtails, and baby-Ts for girls; for guys,

Authors: Farrugia, Rebekah.
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From Midnight to Broad Daylight
13
live performance equipment was set up on the ground level. Thus, performers occupied the same
space as dancers in order to minimize any potential hierarchical relations. Instead an emphasis
was placed on the notion that each individual has an equal and integral role in this space. In a
discussion on the politics of rave culture Martin argues that "raves attract a wide variety of
people, transcending class, ethnic, gender, and sexual orientation differences" (p. 78). While I
think Martin is idealistic in suggesting that notions of community in rave culture can be extended
to a sense of tribalism (Martin, 1999, p. 85), I agree that at the very least the breakdown between
performer and audience signals a desire and intent to establish a sense of community.
Returning to aesthetics, Hoy claims that the recent key to popular culture "lies in the
aesthetic (or often, anti-aesthetic) avowal of superficiality, of vacancy, of as little meaning as
possible" which in turn has created a generation of "hyperconformist consumer[s]" (1992, p.
775). All of Hoy’s signals reinforce many of the tenets of postmodernism which tends to
emphasize visual style. Thus, it should not be surprising that appearances and other visuals are
the foundation on which arguably the largest and most global music subculture in the 1990s, if
not throughout history (Martin, 1999, p. 84), was built. Even the sense of community that the
culture strives for is aesthetically enhanced in purposeful ways as the discussion below
demonstrates.
Soon after the rave scene migrated to the U.S. the "Ameri-raver" stereotype emerged
(Silcott, 1999, p45). Individuals took advantage of the idea that each person had the freedom to
be whomever or whatever they wanted to be in this environment. As Silcott puts it youth took
this liberty to the extreme.
Ameri-ravers gobbled too many Es. They said "dude" a lot and spoke of "PLUR". They
pierced the dickens out of their bodies. They got tattoos. Based on British hardcore
style, skateboarder fashion, old-school hip-hop, and preschool favorites, their dress code
consisted of pixie skirts, fuzzy-animal rucksacks, pigtails, and baby-Ts for girls; for guys,


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