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From Midnight to Broad Daylight: The constructive capabilities of techno and
Unformatted Document Text:  From Midnight to Broad Daylight 17 of the population, which increased to 29 percent by 1962 (Jacoby, 1998, p. 233). Most of the migrants were southerners who Coleman Young – after becoming Detroit's first black mayor in 1974 – would refer to as people who "dealt in harsh realities," were unfamiliar with "the niceties of life," and easily given to violence (Jacoby, 1998, p. 233). Yet, in the latter half of the 20 th century it was the race riots of July 1967 that set race relations back by years, if not decades. "For both whites and blacks, 1967 was the moment that forever sealed the fate of Motor City: for white, the end of an era, for blacks, the beginning of history" (Jacoby, 1999, p. 238). After the riots a high proportion of the remaining whites in the city headed towards the suburbs. Between 1950 and 1990, Detroit lost 1.4 million white residents. Currently, only 22 % of Detroiters are white, the smallest percentage of whites in the 150 most populous cities in the U.S. (Hartigan, 1999, 10). In what Jacoby refers to as "the black mythology of Detroit," 1967 signaled the moment when blacks stood up for themselves – "what Ebony magazine called 'the birth pangs' of a new city." Former head of the Detroit NAACP Arthur Johnson was quoted as saying, "what we had in 1967 was a surprise pregnancy. The baby had to be delivered…we had to go through some kind of trauma" (in Jacoby, 1998, p. 239). While Johnson makes an adequate effort at the use of analogy, it is worth noting that not all births are traumatic events with such distressing consequences as those that ensued from the 1967 fires. By 1970, there were half a million guns in the city, four-fifths of them unregistered (Jacoby, 1999, p. 251), and the city's dwindling population and economy was exaggerated by sensationalist news stories (Jacoby, 1999, p. 40). Citizens who had such high hopes for the city watched as their surroundings and faith in rejuvenation dissipated. Jacoby suggests that by the early 1980s no one knew how to reach out to the black city and "many city dwellers drifted beyond the pale of hope,

Authors: Farrugia, Rebekah.
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From Midnight to Broad Daylight
17
of the population, which increased to 29 percent by 1962 (Jacoby, 1998, p. 233). Most of the
migrants were southerners who Coleman Young – after becoming Detroit's first black mayor in
1974 – would refer to as people who "dealt in harsh realities," were unfamiliar with "the niceties
of life," and easily given to violence (Jacoby, 1998, p. 233). Yet, in the latter half of the 20
th
century it was the race riots of July 1967 that set race relations back by years, if not decades.
"For both whites and blacks, 1967 was the moment that forever sealed the fate of Motor City:
for white, the end of an era, for blacks, the beginning of history" (Jacoby, 1999, p. 238).
After the riots a high proportion of the remaining whites in the city headed towards the
suburbs. Between 1950 and 1990, Detroit lost 1.4 million white residents. Currently, only 22 %
of Detroiters are white, the smallest percentage of whites in the 150 most populous cities in the
U.S. (Hartigan, 1999, 10). In what Jacoby refers to as "the black mythology of Detroit," 1967
signaled the moment when blacks stood up for themselves – "what Ebony magazine called 'the
birth pangs' of a new city." Former head of the Detroit NAACP Arthur Johnson was quoted as
saying, "what we had in 1967 was a surprise pregnancy. The baby had to be delivered…we had
to go through some kind of trauma" (in Jacoby, 1998, p. 239). While Johnson makes an
adequate effort at the use of analogy, it is worth noting that not all births are traumatic events
with such distressing consequences as those that ensued from the 1967 fires. By 1970, there
were half a million guns in the city, four-fifths of them unregistered (Jacoby, 1999, p. 251), and
the city's dwindling population and economy was exaggerated by sensationalist news stories
(Jacoby, 1999, p. 40). Citizens who had such high hopes for the city watched as their
surroundings and faith in rejuvenation dissipated. Jacoby suggests that by the early 1980s no one
knew how to reach out to the black city and "many city dwellers drifted beyond the pale of hope,


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