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Machiavelli's Public Conspiracies
Unformatted Document Text:  bid for fame as a playwright, humanist, and civilizer—in Machiavelli’s typology, for elevation to the rank of a cofounder, an ordinatore—one who joins in the continuous struggle to reestablish a vivere civile, now understood in a new, more comprehensive way.” Ibid., p.142. As Martinez notes (via Nino Borsellino) Machiavelli’s term “ritornare al segno” “return to the mark,” often used to describe the way republics return to their origins is also used to describe Nicomaco’s return to morality in Clizia but “[u]nlike collectivities, however, Nicomaco cannot return to a previous point; as a numerical individual, he cannot be restored or reborn.” Ibid., p. 136. The similarity of names does merit this kind of argument, although I would suggest that Nicia and Nicomaco may serve simultaneously as a kind of foil for Machiavelli himself as well as some “prince-like” figure. This is certainly clear in the case of Nicia when Machiavelli complains (through one of his characters) that fortune has unfairly favored him—an attitude that can readily be connected to his considerations of the Medicis. 21 The Discourses, pp. 403-4. 22 Niccolò Machiavelli, The Art of War (New York: Da Capo Press, 1965). p. 129. 23 Ibid., p. 164. 24 Although this example is drawn from the ancient Roman republic, a time when virtù is widespread, as Machiavelli points out in the beginning of the Discourses, there is no reason that contemporary people cannot similarly recognize and respond to virtù or acts worthy of glory. 25 Elsewhere in his work, Machiavelli supplies examples of the political effects of glory. We have already seen his discussion of Manlius whose corrupt ambitions, Machiavelli tells us, was thwarted by the judgment of the people of Rome. Quoting Livy himself, Machiavelli writes of Manlius “Thus ended the career of this man, who would have been memorable had he not been born in a free community.” Discourses p. 339. And he goes on to write: “[T]he means of attaining glory are different in a republic that is corrupt from what they are in a republic that still preserves its institutions pure.” Ibid. But even in a corrupt (or at least semi-corrupt) republic, glory can still have a positive effect insofar as he tells us that “all states necessarily come to [corruption], unless (as we have shown above) they are frequently reinvigorated by good examples, and brought back by good laws to their first principles.” Ibid., p. 440. 26 Ibid., p. 512. 27 An outcome he may be broadly hinting at when he begins the Discourses by telling us that was once true for the Roman republic can be true again. 28 The Prince, p. 32. 29 Kahn, “Virtu and the Example of Agathocles” p. 204. 30 Ibid., p. 205. 31 Ibid., pp. 213-14. 32 In a brilliant reading, Kahn recalls how in chapter7 of the Prince, Machiavelli tells us the story of Cesare Borgia who allowed his henchman Remirro de Orco to terrorize the people of the Romagna and then had de Orco butchered and displayed in the piazza, leaving the people “at once stunned and satisfied” Ibid., p. 209. Her claim is that in Chapter 8, Machiavelli performs the same stunt on his audience, first depicting the bloodthirsty Agathocles and then appearing to chastise him by telling us that he had no glory. Kahn writes: “the reader is morally satisfied or reassured by Machiavelli’s supposed condemnation of Agathocles, just as the people of the Romagna were by the dramatic and brutal disavowal of Remirro’s brutality.” Ibid., p. 210. 33 The Prince, p. 34. 34 Hannah Arendt, Lectures on Kant’s Political Philosophy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), p. 48. 35 Ibid., p. 55. 36 Ibid., p. 50. 37 Ibid., pp. 50-1. 38 Ibid., p. 44. 39 Ibid., p. 63. 40 Arendt does acknowledge that Kant too had in mind a “reading public” which would make him not unlike Machiavelli in this case, but for Kant all this reading public has to do is judge, while for Machiavelli, he would like to incite them to action, if possible . 41 Hannah Arendt, The Human Condition, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1958) p. 179.

Authors: Martel, James.
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bid for fame as a playwright, humanist, and civilizer—in Machiavelli’s typology, for elevation to the rank of a cofounder,
an ordinatore—one who joins in the continuous struggle to reestablish a vivere civile, now understood in a new, more
comprehensive way.” Ibid., p.142.
As Martinez notes (via Nino Borsellino) Machiavelli’s term “ritornare al segno” “return to the mark,” often used to
describe the way republics return to their origins is also used to describe Nicomaco’s return to morality in Clizia but
“[u]nlike collectivities, however, Nicomaco cannot return to a previous point; as a numerical individual, he cannot be
restored or reborn.” Ibid., p. 136. The similarity of names does merit this kind of argument, although I would suggest that
Nicia and Nicomaco may serve simultaneously as a kind of foil for Machiavelli himself as well as some “prince-like”
figure. This is certainly clear in the case of Nicia when Machiavelli complains (through one of his characters) that fortune
has unfairly favored him—an attitude that can readily be connected to his considerations of the Medicis.
21
The Discourses, pp. 403-4.
22
Niccolò Machiavelli, The Art of War (New York: Da Capo Press, 1965). p. 129.
23
Ibid., p. 164.
24
Although this example is drawn from the ancient Roman republic, a time when virtù is widespread, as Machiavelli points
out in the beginning of the Discourses, there is no reason that contemporary people cannot similarly recognize and respond
to virtù or acts worthy of glory.
25
Elsewhere in his work, Machiavelli supplies examples of the political effects of glory. We have already seen his
discussion of Manlius whose corrupt ambitions, Machiavelli tells us, was thwarted by the judgment of the people of Rome.
Quoting Livy himself, Machiavelli writes of Manlius “Thus ended the career of this man, who would have been memorable
had he not been born in a free community.” Discourses p. 339. And he goes on to write: “[T]he means of attaining glory are
different in a republic that is corrupt from what they are in a republic that still preserves its institutions pure.” Ibid. But even
in a corrupt (or at least semi-corrupt) republic, glory can still have a positive effect insofar as he tells us that “all states
necessarily come to [corruption], unless (as we have shown above) they are frequently reinvigorated by good examples, and
brought back by good laws to their first principles.” Ibid., p. 440.
26
Ibid., p. 512.
27
An outcome he may be broadly hinting at when he begins the Discourses by telling us that was once true for the Roman
republic can be true again.
28
The Prince, p. 32.
29
Kahn, “Virtu and the Example of Agathocles” p. 204.
30
Ibid., p. 205.
31
Ibid., pp. 213-14.
32
In a brilliant reading, Kahn recalls how in chapter7 of the Prince, Machiavelli tells us the story of Cesare Borgia who
allowed his henchman Remirro de Orco to terrorize the people of the Romagna and then had de Orco butchered and
displayed in the piazza, leaving the people “at once stunned and satisfied” Ibid., p. 209. Her claim is that in Chapter 8,
Machiavelli performs the same stunt on his audience, first depicting the bloodthirsty Agathocles and then appearing to
chastise him by telling us that he had no glory. Kahn writes: “the reader is morally satisfied or reassured by Machiavelli’s
supposed condemnation of Agathocles, just as the people of the Romagna were by the dramatic and brutal disavowal of
Remirro’s brutality.” Ibid., p. 210.
33
The Prince, p. 34.
34
Hannah Arendt, Lectures on Kant’s Political Philosophy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), p. 48.
35
Ibid., p. 55.
36
Ibid., p. 50.
37
Ibid., pp. 50-1.
38
Ibid., p. 44.
39
Ibid., p. 63.
40
Arendt does acknowledge that Kant too had in mind a “reading public” which would make him not unlike Machiavelli in
this case, but for Kant all this reading public has to do is judge, while for Machiavelli, he would like to incite them to action,
if possible
.
41
Hannah Arendt, The Human Condition, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1958) p. 179.


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