 |
Making Differences Matter: Liberal Reform Movements and Nationalist Mobilization in Colonial Morocco and Algeria
| |
| | Unformatted Document Text:
8
homogenize political mobilization in Morocco and obscure differences in the movement’s goals and activities over time. Moreover, historians seeking to identify the origins of nationalism in Morocco may be biased by their knowledge of the outcome. They know that nationalist movements eventually became dominant, not only in Morocco, but elsewhere in the colonized world, and that is why they are particularly interested in identifying the beginning of the nationalist movement. But by reading back into history with this nationalist “lens,” they may fail to take seriously other political currents because they know already that other mobilizing strategies were ultimately unsuccessful. There is thus a problem of selection bias, as historians search primarily for evidence of early nationalism, and see the reform movement as simply a period of apprenticeship for the more important movement that was to follow.
13
Another reason for labeling the liberal reform movement as “nationalist” or “proto-nationalist” is that many believe that the quest for liberal reforms was simply a mask for the true desires of these leaders for independence. There are a number of pieces of evidence that support the view that leaders in Morocco hid their true preferences during the liberal reform movement. This argument is a serious alternative to my suggestion that the liberal reform movement was ideologically different from the movement for separation. I therefore evaluate each piece of evidence, and explain why I remain unconvinced that leaders were masking their preferences. First, many of the leaders of the nationalist movement in favor of independence were the same leaders who sought liberal reform. Since these leaders eventually expressed a desire for separation, it is plausible that they would never really have been satisfied with reform, and always intended to ask for independence. In their memoirs, nationalist leaders themselves claim that they wanted independence all along. They explain the reform movement by saying that the quest for independence was not feasible at the time, so they asked only for change within the system. In his memoir, al-Fasi (1970, p. 169) described the reforms as “minimal” and said that asking for reforms was part of a policy of gradualism, implying that reforms were intended to be only a first step. There are two problems with this kind of evidence. The first concerns the reliability of the sources. Relying on nationalist memoirs is problematic because they were written after the movement for independence began, and at that time, elites were engaged in the project of constructing nationalist history. al-Fasi’s introduction (p.7), exemplifies this project; he begins by asserting that “[n]ationalist consciousness existed in al-Maghrib before and after the advent of Islam.” His memoirs are not a simple description of the past, but part of writing a history in which nationalist mobilization appears to be an obvious and inevitable stage for Morocco. His description of his preferences at the time of the reform movement cannot be separated from the political project of nation-building that he is engaged in at the time he describes those preferences.
14
Since he did not publicly state a desire for independence during
the reform movement, there is no way to reliably know whether he earnestly believed in liberal
13
Gelvin (1998, p. 5) suggests that historians are affected by nationalist history, and notes the tendency of historians
to take the claims of proponents of nationalism at face value. However, in the past 20 years, scholars of nationalism have approached it with heightened skepticism and seek to “deflate the teleological pretensions of state-supported nationalisms that represent themselves as the inevitable and singular historically inscribed expressions of national destiny” (p. 10-11).
14
His book was initially published in Arabic in 1948, five years after the drafting of the Manifest of Independence,
and during the process of mobilizing the population in favor of independence.
|
| | Authors: Lawrence, Adria. |
|
| |
|
|
8
homogenize political mobilization in Morocco and obscure differences in the movement’s goals and activities over time. Moreover, historians seeking to identify the origins of nationalism in Morocco may be biased by their knowledge of the outcome. They know that nationalist movements eventually became dominant, not only in Morocco, but elsewhere in the colonized world, and that is why they are particularly interested in identifying the beginning of the nationalist movement. But by reading back into history with this nationalist “lens,” they may fail to take seriously other political currents because they know already that other mobilizing strategies were ultimately unsuccessful. There is thus a problem of selection bias, as historians search primarily for evidence of early nationalism, and see the reform movement as simply a period of apprenticeship for the more important movement that was to follow.
13
Another reason for labeling the liberal reform movement as “nationalist” or “proto-nationalist” is that many believe that the quest for liberal reforms was simply a mask for the true desires of these leaders for independence. There are a number of pieces of evidence that support the view that leaders in Morocco hid their true preferences during the liberal reform movement. This argument is a serious alternative to my suggestion that the liberal reform movement was ideologically different from the movement for separation. I therefore evaluate each piece of evidence, and explain why I remain unconvinced that leaders were masking their preferences. First, many of the leaders of the nationalist movement in favor of independence were the same leaders who sought liberal reform. Since these leaders eventually expressed a desire for separation, it is plausible that they would never really have been satisfied with reform, and always intended to ask for independence. In their memoirs, nationalist leaders themselves claim that they wanted independence all along. They explain the reform movement by saying that the quest for independence was not feasible at the time, so they asked only for change within the system. In his memoir, al-Fasi (1970, p. 169) described the reforms as “minimal” and said that asking for reforms was part of a policy of gradualism, implying that reforms were intended to be only a first step. There are two problems with this kind of evidence. The first concerns the reliability of the sources. Relying on nationalist memoirs is problematic because they were written after the movement for independence began, and at that time, elites were engaged in the project of constructing nationalist history. al-Fasi’s introduction (p.7), exemplifies this project; he begins by asserting that “[n]ationalist consciousness existed in al-Maghrib before and after the advent of Islam.” His memoirs are not a simple description of the past, but part of writing a history in which nationalist mobilization appears to be an obvious and inevitable stage for Morocco. His description of his preferences at the time of the reform movement cannot be separated from the political project of nation-building that he is engaged in at the time he describes those preferences.
14
Since he did not publicly state a desire for independence during
the reform movement, there is no way to reliably know whether he earnestly believed in liberal
13
Gelvin (1998, p. 5) suggests that historians are affected by nationalist history, and notes the tendency of historians
to take the claims of proponents of nationalism at face value. However, in the past 20 years, scholars of nationalism have approached it with heightened skepticism and seek to “deflate the teleological pretensions of state-supported nationalisms that represent themselves as the inevitable and singular historically inscribed expressions of national destiny” (p. 10-11).
14
His book was initially published in Arabic in 1948, five years after the drafting of the Manifest of Independence,
and during the process of mobilizing the population in favor of independence.
|
|
Convention | | Convention is an application service for managing large or small academic conferences, annual meetings, and other types of events! | | Submission - Custom fields, multiple submission types, tracks, audio visual, multiple upload formats, automatic conversion to pdf. | | Review - Peer Review, Bulk reviewer assignment, bulk emails, ranking, z-score statistics, and multiple worksheets! | | Reports - Many standard and custom reports generated while you wait. Print programs with participant indexes, event grids, and more! | | Scheduling - Flexible and convenient grid scheduling within rooms and buildings. Conflict checking and advanced filtering. | | Communication - Bulk email tools to help your administrators send reminders and responses. Use form letters, a message center, and much more! | | Management - Search tools, duplicate people management, editing tools, submission transfers, many tools to manage a variety of conference management headaches! | | Click here for more information. |
|
|
|
| |
|
|
|