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A Cross-national Comparative Study of the Policy Effects of Referendums
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but seem to put the stress on political actors’ ability to make choices ’now’ thatare independent of previous choices. Nevertheless, these authors, too, accept theweight of history on the present (referred to as “structural limitation” (Huberand Stephens, 2001, 29) in their work). Substantively, their argument is thatthe relative influence of social democracy and Christian democracy on policy-making is the foremost determinant of labor regulation policy output (see alsofor more on the importance of left-party domination Korpi, 1983; Stephens, 1979;Shalev, 2001): “the greater the dominance of social democratic ideology withinthe labor movement and in the social consciousness of wage and salary earners,the greater the power and labor vis--vis capital and the more redistributive thepolicy outcomes” (Shalev, 2001, 26-27) they explain with respect to social democ-racy. The difference between social and Christian democracy in this context isthat Christian democracy is associated primarily with transfer payments to work-ers (exposing non-employed individuals to far greater social risks than employedones) and social democracy with redistribution less focused on workers and moreon citizens, which, the authors argue, refines the hitherto understanding of theroles these types of political parties in forming policy outcomes (and here theyclearly draw on the work of Esping-Andersen (1990), see also Van Kersbergen(1995)).
Huber, Ragin and Stephens (1993) also consider what they term state or con-
stitutional structures, meaning the institutions regulating conflict in a country.Of particular interest in the current paper are not the policy-making activities ofbureaucrats, the effects of past policy, political parties (which have already beendiscussed above), or the state’s bureaucratic capacity, all of which are consid-ered state structures by the three authors, but the degree of state centralization.They write that “[T]hose features of constitutions that make it difficult to reachand implement decisions on the basis of narrow majorities - and that, conversely,let minority interests obstruct legislation - will impede far-reaching reforms insocial policy, especially reforms that might benefit the underprivileged majority.[A]spects of constitutional structure that disperse political power and offer mul-tiple points of influence on the making and implementation of policy are inimicalto welfare state expansion” (Huber, Ragin and Stephens, 1993, 722). Since thepresent paper is concerned with the policy effects of direct-democratic institu-tions, which create additional points of influence, the most obvious point to take
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| | Authors: Hug, Simon. and Gilland Lutz, Karin. |
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but seem to put the stress on political actors’ ability to make choices ’now’ that are independent of previous choices. Nevertheless, these authors, too, accept the weight of history on the present (referred to as “structural limitation” (Huber and Stephens, 2001, 29) in their work). Substantively, their argument is that the relative influence of social democracy and Christian democracy on policy- making is the foremost determinant of labor regulation policy output (see also for more on the importance of left-party domination Korpi, 1983; Stephens, 1979; Shalev, 2001): “the greater the dominance of social democratic ideology within the labor movement and in the social consciousness of wage and salary earners, the greater the power and labor vis--vis capital and the more redistributive the policy outcomes” (Shalev, 2001, 26-27) they explain with respect to social democ- racy. The difference between social and Christian democracy in this context is that Christian democracy is associated primarily with transfer payments to work- ers (exposing non-employed individuals to far greater social risks than employed ones) and social democracy with redistribution less focused on workers and more on citizens, which, the authors argue, refines the hitherto understanding of the roles these types of political parties in forming policy outcomes (and here they clearly draw on the work of Esping-Andersen (1990), see also Van Kersbergen (1995)).
Huber, Ragin and Stephens (1993) also consider what they term state or con-
stitutional structures, meaning the institutions regulating conflict in a country. Of particular interest in the current paper are not the policy-making activities of bureaucrats, the effects of past policy, political parties (which have already been discussed above), or the state’s bureaucratic capacity, all of which are consid- ered state structures by the three authors, but the degree of state centralization. They write that “[T]hose features of constitutions that make it difficult to reach and implement decisions on the basis of narrow majorities - and that, conversely, let minority interests obstruct legislation - will impede far-reaching reforms in social policy, especially reforms that might benefit the underprivileged majority. [A]spects of constitutional structure that disperse political power and offer mul- tiple points of influence on the making and implementation of policy are inimical to welfare state expansion” (Huber, Ragin and Stephens, 1993, 722). Since the present paper is concerned with the policy effects of direct-democratic institu- tions, which create additional points of influence, the most obvious point to take
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