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Jordan and the Gulf Wars: Determining Hashemite Foreign Policy in 1990-91 and 2003
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Introduction
Small and resource-poor, Jordan is not a major power in its region, let alone on the world
stage. Nevertheless, among all the Middle Eastern actors involved in the Gulf wars, the foreign policy of Jordan may well be the most fascinating, and worthy of study. With the same key protagonists in both wars – a coalition headed by the United States on one side and Iraq on the other – it is noteworthy that Jordan switched sides, supporting Iraq in the first conflict and the US-led force in the second. More interesting, however, is the fact that this pattern (support for Iraq in 1990-91 and the United States in 2003) is contrary to the international and regional norm. Generally, the US was able to recruit more states to join its multinational coalition in the first Gulf war, including an impressive number of Arab states which America was keen to retain on its side. Drumming up support proved a far greater task for the US in the second Gulf war, especially among potential Middle Eastern allies. It was during this conflict, however, that Jordan discreetly provided crucial support for the American war effort. For these reasons, Jordanian foreign policy stands out, and calls for investigation.
In this paper, I seek to elucidate Jordanian foreign policy in the two US-led wars against
Iraq, by providing an explanation for Jordanian behavior which is as parsimonious as possible, while remaining true to the richness of the historical record. I find that the second image of international relations, which stipulates that domestic politics is most responsible for generating foreign policy (Waltz 1959), is borne out in the Jordanian case. Public opinion, economic pressures, and leadership at the top (especially that of the late King Hussein) played the most salient roles in shaping Jordanian foreign policy in the two conflicts.
With respect to the first Gulf war,
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the liberalization of the Jordanian political system in
the late 1980s provided a window in which public opinion was able to unify and exert powerful pressure on the regime to side with (or at least avoid siding against) Saddam Hussein. Such a position was in line with the relatively long-standing pro-Iraq orientation of the Hashemite regime in Jordan, which had been in place since the 1978 Arab League summit in Baghdad. By the time the 2003 US-led war against Iraq drew near, however, Amman had become fundamentally reoriented – economically, politically, and militarily – toward the United States. This turnaround in Jordanian foreign policy was engineered by King Hussein himself, who made his intentions clear by joining the American-led peace process at the conclusion of the first Gulf war. By sending representatives to the Madrid Conference in October 1991, concluding a peace treaty with Israel in 1994, and simultaneously distancing Jordan from Iraq, King Hussein made clear that Amman had cast its lot with Washington. When his son Abdallah became king upon Hussein’s death in 1999, the heir to the Hashemite throne staked his legitimacy upon his nation’s economic well-being, with the goal that Jordan would thrive, and not just survive. Determined to be on the side of its American patron, particularly for economic reasons, Amman provided crucial logistical support in the second Gulf war. At the same time, sensitivity to Jordanian public opinion, which opposed the US-led war against Iraq, mandated that the regime do so as quietly as possible, attempting to hide the extent of its support for the American war effort from the Jordanian people.
The remainder of this paper proceeds as follows. In the second section, I provide an
overview of Jordanian foreign policy during the two US-led wars against Iraq. In the third
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Introduction
Small and resource-poor, Jordan is not a major power in its region, let alone on the world
stage. Nevertheless, among all the Middle Eastern actors involved in the Gulf wars, the foreign policy of Jordan may well be the most fascinating, and worthy of study. With the same key protagonists in both wars – a coalition headed by the United States on one side and Iraq on the other – it is noteworthy that Jordan switched sides, supporting Iraq in the first conflict and the US-led force in the second. More interesting, however, is the fact that this pattern (support for Iraq in 1990-91 and the United States in 2003) is contrary to the international and regional norm. Generally, the US was able to recruit more states to join its multinational coalition in the first Gulf war, including an impressive number of Arab states which America was keen to retain on its side. Drumming up support proved a far greater task for the US in the second Gulf war, especially among potential Middle Eastern allies. It was during this conflict, however, that Jordan discreetly provided crucial support for the American war effort. For these reasons, Jordanian foreign policy stands out, and calls for investigation.
In this paper, I seek to elucidate Jordanian foreign policy in the two US-led wars against
Iraq, by providing an explanation for Jordanian behavior which is as parsimonious as possible, while remaining true to the richness of the historical record. I find that the second image of international relations, which stipulates that domestic politics is most responsible for generating foreign policy (Waltz 1959), is borne out in the Jordanian case. Public opinion, economic pressures, and leadership at the top (especially that of the late King Hussein) played the most salient roles in shaping Jordanian foreign policy in the two conflicts.
With respect to the first Gulf war,
the liberalization of the Jordanian political system in
the late 1980s provided a window in which public opinion was able to unify and exert powerful pressure on the regime to side with (or at least avoid siding against) Saddam Hussein. Such a position was in line with the relatively long-standing pro-Iraq orientation of the Hashemite regime in Jordan, which had been in place since the 1978 Arab League summit in Baghdad. By the time the 2003 US-led war against Iraq drew near, however, Amman had become fundamentally reoriented – economically, politically, and militarily – toward the United States. This turnaround in Jordanian foreign policy was engineered by King Hussein himself, who made his intentions clear by joining the American-led peace process at the conclusion of the first Gulf war. By sending representatives to the Madrid Conference in October 1991, concluding a peace treaty with Israel in 1994, and simultaneously distancing Jordan from Iraq, King Hussein made clear that Amman had cast its lot with Washington. When his son Abdallah became king upon Hussein’s death in 1999, the heir to the Hashemite throne staked his legitimacy upon his nation’s economic well-being, with the goal that Jordan would thrive, and not just survive. Determined to be on the side of its American patron, particularly for economic reasons, Amman provided crucial logistical support in the second Gulf war. At the same time, sensitivity to Jordanian public opinion, which opposed the US-led war against Iraq, mandated that the regime do so as quietly as possible, attempting to hide the extent of its support for the American war effort from the Jordanian people.
The remainder of this paper proceeds as follows. In the second section, I provide an
overview of Jordanian foreign policy during the two US-led wars against Iraq. In the third
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