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Identity choices and perceptions of discrimination: How “becoming American” affects trust and obligation
Unformatted Document Text:  level discrimination changes from 0 to 1. 17 In all cases, a black respondent is most likely to trust government “some of the time.” But the likelihood of “never” trusting government changes dramatically as self-identification and perceptions of discrimination change. It rises from 0.08 to 0.23 when a black respondent who identifies as American goes from perceiving a low level of discrimination to perceiving a high level of discrimination, and then it diminishes to 0.13 when that same respondent identifies primarily as black. [Table 5 About Here] Latinos and Asians share more similarities with whites than blacks do. Education and being a Democrat lower trust while generalized trust raises trust in government. The model also shows that Latinos are slightly more trusting of government than Asians. And as Michelson found, acculturation seems to lower trust, as indicated by the negative coefficients on generational status and language use. 18 But like blacks, discrimination and identity also play a complicated role. Here, panethnic discrimination diminishes trust rather than personal discrimination. But as with blacks, this effect only applies to people who identify primarily as American. Identifying as Latino or as Asian neutralizes the damaging effect of discrimination. Predicted probabilities of each level of trust for Latinos and Asians are displayed in tables 6a and 6b. 19 These tables show that among American identifiers, perceptions of discrimination increase the likelihood of trusting government “some of the time” (0.37 0.57, for Latinos) or “never” (0.02 0.06) while decreasing the likelihood of trusting government “most of the time” (0.45 0.32) or “just about always” (0.15 0.05). It is important to note as well that a 17 Predicted probabilities are calculated using CLARIFY, holding all other variables constant at their means for blacks (see King, Tomz, and Wittenberg 2000). 18 Running models for Latinos and Asians separately indicates that the impact of generational status is driven entirely by Latinos. 19 Predicted outcomes are calculated using CLARIFY, holding all other variables constant at their means for Latinos and Asians, with “speaks English at home” held constant at 1, while changing panethnic discrimination from 0 to 1. 18

Authors: Schildkraut, Deborah.
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level discrimination changes from 0 to 1.
In all cases, a black respondent is most likely to trust
government “some of the time.” But the likelihood of “never” trusting government changes
dramatically as self-identification and perceptions of discrimination change. It rises from 0.08 to
0.23 when a black respondent who identifies as American goes from perceiving a low level of
discrimination to perceiving a high level of discrimination, and then it diminishes to 0.13 when
that same respondent identifies primarily as black.
[Table 5 About Here]
Latinos and Asians share more similarities with whites than blacks do. Education and
being a Democrat lower trust while generalized trust raises trust in government. The model also
shows that Latinos are slightly more trusting of government than Asians. And as Michelson
found, acculturation seems to lower trust, as indicated by the negative coefficients on
generational status and language use.
But like blacks, discrimination and identity also play a
complicated role. Here, panethnic discrimination diminishes trust rather than personal
discrimination. But as with blacks, this effect only applies to people who identify primarily as
American. Identifying as Latino or as Asian neutralizes the damaging effect of discrimination.
Predicted probabilities of each level of trust for Latinos and Asians are displayed in tables
6a and 6b.
These tables show that among American identifiers, perceptions of discrimination
increase the likelihood of trusting government “some of the time” (0.37 0.57, for Latinos) or
“never” (0.02 0.06) while decreasing the likelihood of trusting government “most of the time”
(0.45 0.32) or “just about always” (0.15 0.05). It is important to note as well that a
17
Predicted probabilities are calculated using CLARIFY, holding all other variables constant at their means for
blacks (see King, Tomz, and Wittenberg 2000).
18
Running models for Latinos and Asians separately indicates that the impact of generational status is driven
entirely by Latinos.
19
Predicted outcomes are calculated using CLARIFY, holding all other variables constant at their means for Latinos
and Asians, with “speaks English at home” held constant at 1, while changing panethnic discrimination from 0 to 1.
18


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