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Gender Bending: Effects of Strategies in Candidate Websites
Unformatted Document Text:  9 Terkildsen 1993; Lawless 2004; Rosenwasser and Dean 1989). For instance, I emphasized her empathy in the main banner on the introductory page, the exact text of which is in Table 3, and, to continue the trait manipulation, I placed an emphasis on Bevell’s empathetic traits and deeds on her biography page (i.e., Bevell is “helping…those people in need”). To manipulate issue competencies, I included three congruent issues on her issues page on which prior research concluded that women have an advantage over men 13 : improving education (Alexander and Andersen 1993; Leeper 1991; Matland and King 2002; Rosenwasser et al. 1987; Sapiro 1982), health care (Alexander and Andersen 1993; Sapiro 1982), and the elderly (Huddy and Terkildsen 1993; Matland and King 2002; Rosenwasser et al. 1987), summarized in Table 3. 14 I also manipulated the endorsement page of the candidate: women state legislators, local women, and a women’s group endorsed the congruent candidate. On the incongruent site, the candidate emphasized her leadership trait, which is more typically associated with male candidates (Alexander and Andersen 1993; Huddy and Terkildsen 1993; Lawless 2004; Rosenwasser and Dean 1989). The specific text of the incongruent banner on the main page is in Table 3. Similar to the congruent candidate, I used the biography page as a forum to mention her leadership skills (i.e., Bevell is “leading people”). For the incongruent issue manipulation on the issues page, I chose three issues where men have an advantage over women: crime (Lawless 2004; Leeper 1991), economy (Huddy and Terkildsen 1993; Leeper 1991; Matland and King 2002), and military (Alexander and Andersen 1993; Huddy and Terkildsen 1993; Lawless 2004; Rosenwasser et al. 1987; Sapiro 1982). 15 Male legislators, local men, and a men’s group endorsed the incongruent candidate on the endorsements page. Interactivity. I manipulate interactivity by drawing on the results from the previous chapter in which I analyzed the content of 2004 Congressional campaign websites. In that analysis, I found that candidates vary in the likelihood with which they use interactive features on their websites. I thus created two types of sites – one interactive and one non-interactive. The interactive site had the standard page components and, in addition, I added features where the user could interact with the website and the campaign, including two audio speeches, a video welcome message, an interactive quiz and comment box, links of interest, additional methods of donating, and communication with the campaign. The low interactive site had none of these additions, summarized in Table 4. The interactive site reflects definitions of interactivity from prior research (Benoit and Benoit 2000; Jensen; Liu and Shrum; McMillan and Hwang 2002; Stromer-Galley 2000; Sundar, Kalyanaraman, and Brown 2003) which were confirmed by the content analysis in the prior chapter. Using definitions of interactivity as control over the website, one- and two-way interaction with the campaign, and multiple page options, I hypothesized that candidates with an incongruent gender-based rhetoric strategy might be more likely to employ an interactive site to increase likeability. I found that, indeed, incongruent candidates were more likely to use many 13 Two neutral issues – the environment and natural resources – were included on both congruent and incongruent sites because neither men nor women have an advantage on these issues (Huddy and Terkildsen 1993; Sapiro 1982). 14 The issues on all of the websites were worded so that the candidate did not take a clear position on the issue, but elaborated on the fact that she thought the issue posed a problem. 15 Because of the obvious overlap between party and gender stereotypes, issues were chosen to attempt to maximize the effect of gender-based strategies and minimize the effect of party. Using work from Petrocik (1996), I found that of the issues I chose for the congruent condition, education had no “real advantage” on education, but have a significant advantage on health care and the elderly (29 and 36 points, respectively). On the incongruent issues, Republicans have far less dramatic an advantage, but are seen as superior on crime, the economy, and the military (18, 17, and 20 points, respectively).

Authors: Schneider, Monica.
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9
Terkildsen 1993; Lawless 2004; Rosenwasser and Dean 1989). For instance, I emphasized her
empathy in the main banner on the introductory page, the exact text of which is in Table 3, and,
to continue the trait manipulation, I placed an emphasis on Bevell’s empathetic traits and deeds
on her biography page (i.e., Bevell is “helping…those people in need”). To manipulate issue
competencies, I included three congruent issues on her issues page on which prior research
concluded that women have an advantage over men
13
: improving education (Alexander and
Andersen 1993; Leeper 1991; Matland and King 2002; Rosenwasser et al. 1987; Sapiro 1982),
health care (Alexander and Andersen 1993; Sapiro 1982), and the elderly (Huddy and Terkildsen
1993; Matland and King 2002; Rosenwasser et al. 1987), summarized in Table 3.
14
I also
manipulated the endorsement page of the candidate: women state legislators, local women, and a
women’s group endorsed the congruent candidate.
On the incongruent site, the candidate emphasized her leadership trait, which is more
typically associated with male candidates (Alexander and Andersen 1993; Huddy and Terkildsen
1993; Lawless 2004; Rosenwasser and Dean 1989). The specific text of the incongruent banner
on the main page is in Table 3. Similar to the congruent candidate, I used the biography page as
a forum to mention her leadership skills (i.e., Bevell is “leading people”). For the incongruent
issue manipulation on the issues page, I chose three issues where men have an advantage over
women: crime (Lawless 2004; Leeper 1991), economy (Huddy and Terkildsen 1993; Leeper
1991; Matland and King 2002), and military (Alexander and Andersen 1993; Huddy and
Terkildsen 1993; Lawless 2004; Rosenwasser et al. 1987; Sapiro 1982).
15
Male legislators, local
men, and a men’s group endorsed the incongruent candidate on the endorsements page.
Interactivity. I manipulate interactivity by drawing on the results from the previous
chapter in which I analyzed the content of 2004 Congressional campaign websites. In that
analysis, I found that candidates vary in the likelihood with which they use interactive features
on their websites. I thus created two types of sites – one interactive and one non-interactive.
The interactive site had the standard page components and, in addition, I added features where
the user could interact with the website and the campaign, including two audio speeches, a video
welcome message, an interactive quiz and comment box, links of interest, additional methods of
donating, and communication with the campaign. The low interactive site had none of these
additions, summarized in Table 4.
The interactive site reflects definitions of interactivity from prior research (Benoit and
Benoit 2000; Jensen; Liu and Shrum; McMillan and Hwang 2002; Stromer-Galley 2000; Sundar,
Kalyanaraman, and Brown 2003) which were confirmed by the content analysis in the prior
chapter. Using definitions of interactivity as control over the website, one- and two-way
interaction with the campaign, and multiple page options, I hypothesized that candidates with an
incongruent gender-based rhetoric strategy might be more likely to employ an interactive site to
increase likeability. I found that, indeed, incongruent candidates were more likely to use many
13
Two neutral issues – the environment and natural resources – were included on both congruent and incongruent
sites because neither men nor women have an advantage on these issues (Huddy and Terkildsen 1993; Sapiro 1982).
14
The issues on all of the websites were worded so that the candidate did not take a clear position on the issue, but
elaborated on the fact that she thought the issue posed a problem.
15
Because of the obvious overlap between party and gender stereotypes, issues were chosen to attempt to maximize
the effect of gender-based strategies and minimize the effect of party. Using work from Petrocik (1996), I found
that of the issues I chose for the congruent condition, education had no “real advantage” on education, but have a
significant advantage on health care and the elderly (29 and 36 points, respectively). On the incongruent issues,
Republicans have far less dramatic an advantage, but are seen as superior on crime, the economy, and the military
(18, 17, and 20 points, respectively).


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