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La Regle du Jeu: France and the Paradox of Managed Globalization
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evolution of the international financial architecture is, from the perspectives of the conventional wisdom and twentieth‐century economic history, downright astonishing. Yet France and the French sought to organize European and global financial markets according to the emergent doctrine of managed globalization in much the same ways. “There is a paradox,” observes Lamy, “of the French role in globalization. There is an obvious difference between the traditional French view on the freedom of capital movements and the fact that French policy makers played crucial roles in promoting the liberalization of capital in the EC, OECD, and IMF.”
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Liberal Europe, Capacious Commission
The European economy envisioned by the authors and negotiators of the Treaty
of Rome was not unconditionally liberal. Goods, services, and people were supposed to flow freely. Capital, however, was not, except, according to the Treaty of Rome, “to the extent necessary to ensure the proper functioning of the Common Market,” and without jeopardizing the internal and external financial stability of members.
47
The
conditionality of the obligation to liberalize capital was, in part, a reflection of the widespread consensus among policy makers around the world that capital flows ought to be controlled in order to avoid financial crises.
This consensus, which drew upon the lessons that European and American
policy makers believed were evident from the financial chaos of the interwar years, was, along with fixed exchange rates, the very basis of the post‐war international monetary system. The conditionality of capital liberalization in the Treaty also reflected bargaining among Europe’s founding members. Germany had been alone in pushing for capital liberalization, whereas France, Italy, and the Netherlands had argued against codifying such an obligation.
The legal implication of the Treaty’s wording was that members’ obligations to
liberalize capital could only be redefined by a new Treaty or by directives issued by the European Commission, and approved unanimously by the Council, that would, in essence, define what members agreed to constitute “the extent necessary” for the common market.
48
The Commission began to define and expand members’ obligations
to liberalize capital with two directives in 1960 and 1962, but little progress was made. Members were obliged to liberalize only those transactions deemed essential to the functioning of the common market, and that turned out to be a short list indeed.
46
Quoted in Abdelal, Capital Rules, p. 13.
47
See the discussion in Age F. P. Bakker, The Liberalization of Capital Movements in Europe
(Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1996), pp. 42‐43.
48
Article 69 of the Treaty specified this role for the Commission. See Tommaso Padoa‐
Schioppa, “Capital Mobility: Why is the Treaty Not Implemented?” in his The Road to Monetary Union in Europe: The Emperor, the Kings, and the Genies (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), p. 27.
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| | Authors: Abdelal, Rawi. and Meunier, Sophie. |
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18
evolution of the international financial architecture is, from the perspectives of the conventional wisdom and twentieth‐century economic history, downright astonishing. Yet France and the French sought to organize European and global financial markets according to the emergent doctrine of managed globalization in much the same ways. “There is a paradox,” observes Lamy, “of the French role in globalization. There is an obvious difference between the traditional French view on the freedom of capital movements and the fact that French policy makers played crucial roles in promoting the liberalization of capital in the EC, OECD, and IMF.”
46
Liberal Europe, Capacious Commission
The European economy envisioned by the authors and negotiators of the Treaty
of Rome was not unconditionally liberal. Goods, services, and people were supposed to flow freely. Capital, however, was not, except, according to the Treaty of Rome, “to the extent necessary to ensure the proper functioning of the Common Market,” and without jeopardizing the internal and external financial stability of members.
47
The
conditionality of the obligation to liberalize capital was, in part, a reflection of the widespread consensus among policy makers around the world that capital flows ought to be controlled in order to avoid financial crises.
This consensus, which drew upon the lessons that European and American
policy makers believed were evident from the financial chaos of the interwar years, was, along with fixed exchange rates, the very basis of the post‐war international monetary system. The conditionality of capital liberalization in the Treaty also reflected bargaining among Europe’s founding members. Germany had been alone in pushing for capital liberalization, whereas France, Italy, and the Netherlands had argued against codifying such an obligation.
The legal implication of the Treaty’s wording was that members’ obligations to
liberalize capital could only be redefined by a new Treaty or by directives issued by the European Commission, and approved unanimously by the Council, that would, in essence, define what members agreed to constitute “the extent necessary” for the common market.
48
The Commission began to define and expand members’ obligations
to liberalize capital with two directives in 1960 and 1962, but little progress was made. Members were obliged to liberalize only those transactions deemed essential to the functioning of the common market, and that turned out to be a short list indeed.
46
Quoted in Abdelal, Capital Rules, p. 13.
47
See the discussion in Age F. P. Bakker, The Liberalization of Capital Movements in Europe
(Dordrecht: Kluwer, 1996), pp. 42‐43.
48
Article 69 of the Treaty specified this role for the Commission. See Tommaso Padoa‐
Schioppa, “Capital Mobility: Why is the Treaty Not Implemented?” in his The Road to Monetary Union in Europe: The Emperor, the Kings, and the Genies (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), p. 27.
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