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Scope: Causal and Conceptual Homogeneity in Qualitative Research
Unformatted Document Text:  Case study researchers will often express real concern for this aspect of homogene- ity. A scholar with expertise in a particular region may look at various instances of 5and worry whether they are really the same. Case expertise may lead the analyst to seeconcept heterogeneity where a large-N dataset assumes homogeneity. For example, Bowman, Lehoucq, and Mahoney (2005) argue that the use of inap- propriate data sources causes the leading quantitative datasets measuring democracy(i.e., Gasiorowski 1996; Marshall and Jaggers 2004; Vanhanen 2004) to seriously mis-code the Central American countries. Because of poor underlying data, two cases mayhave the same score for democracy across measures but actually have quite differentlevels of democracy. Indeed, these authors’ own assessment of the level of democracyin Central America (the BLM index) produces results that are only weakly correlatedwith existing indices (and for certain periods there is no correlation at all). From the perspective of the BLM index, then, the scores in the other measures often suffer from conceptual heterogeneity. Because they lack reliable data, the samescore across country-years reflects a very different underlying reality about level ofdemocracy. For instance, Gasiorowski (1996) codes Nicaragua 1981 and Nicaragua1985 both as zero (authoritarian). However, Bowman, Lehoucq, and Mahoney arguethat these zeros are not equivalent; the zero for 1981 is appropriate, but the zero for1985 underestimates the impact of the elections of 1984 on the quality of democracyin this country. Conceptual homogeneity concerns also arise through what we call “substitutabil- ity” (Goertz and Mahoney 2005) or what might be called functional equivalence (Prze-worski and Tuene 1970; van Deth 1998). The Polity IV concept of democracy is anaggregation of five component parts. Hence, there are a variety of ways to score a 5 onthe polity scale. Concept homogeneity assumes that in terms of causal effect all theseconfigurations are homogeneous. The key assumption is that some differences withindemocracies have no causal effect and hence can be treated as equivalent. Przeworskiet al. (2000) provide an illustration of this homogeneity assumption. Their concept ofdemocracy has four component parts. Their coding rules state that if a country hasa zero value (dichotomously) on any one of the four components, then the countryis coded as a nondemocracy. Democracy can be achieved in only one way (i.e., a oneon all four components, whereas nondemocracy can occur in 15 different ways (i.e.,2 4 − 1 = 15). The question is whether these 15 different ways of becoming a nondemocracy have the same causal consequences when introduced into analysis (or, alternatively, areproduced by the same causal factors). For example, when assessing the consequencesof nondemocracy on fertility rates, as Przeworski et al. (2000) do, can we assume thata country that has zero value on only one of the components performs in the sameway as a country that has a zero value on all four components? This kind of homogeneity issue is especially important when scholars are work- ing with dichotomous categories, which is common in case study research. Quite 8

Authors: Mahoney, James.
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Case study researchers will often express real concern for this aspect of homogene-
ity. A scholar with expertise in a particular region may look at various instances of 5
and worry whether they are really the same. Case expertise may lead the analyst to see
concept heterogeneity where a large-N dataset assumes homogeneity.
For example, Bowman, Lehoucq, and Mahoney (2005) argue that the use of inap-
propriate data sources causes the leading quantitative datasets measuring democracy
(i.e., Gasiorowski 1996; Marshall and Jaggers 2004; Vanhanen 2004) to seriously mis-
code the Central American countries. Because of poor underlying data, two cases may
have the same score for democracy across measures but actually have quite different
levels of democracy. Indeed, these authors’ own assessment of the level of democracy
in Central America (the BLM index) produces results that are only weakly correlated
with existing indices (and for certain periods there is no correlation at all).
From the perspective of the BLM index, then, the scores in the other measures
often suffer from conceptual heterogeneity. Because they lack reliable data, the same
score across country-years reflects a very different underlying reality about level of
democracy. For instance, Gasiorowski (1996) codes Nicaragua 1981 and Nicaragua
1985 both as zero (authoritarian). However, Bowman, Lehoucq, and Mahoney argue
that these zeros are not equivalent; the zero for 1981 is appropriate, but the zero for
1985 underestimates the impact of the elections of 1984 on the quality of democracy
in this country.
Conceptual homogeneity concerns also arise through what we call “substitutabil-
ity” (Goertz and Mahoney 2005) or what might be called functional equivalence (Prze-
worski and Tuene 1970; van Deth 1998). The Polity IV concept of democracy is an
aggregation of five component parts. Hence, there are a variety of ways to score a 5 on
the polity scale. Concept homogeneity assumes that in terms of causal effect all these
configurations are homogeneous. The key assumption is that some differences within
democracies have no causal effect and hence can be treated as equivalent. Przeworski
et al. (2000) provide an illustration of this homogeneity assumption. Their concept of
democracy has four component parts. Their coding rules state that if a country has
a zero value (dichotomously) on any one of the four components, then the country
is coded as a nondemocracy. Democracy can be achieved in only one way (i.e., a one
on all four components, whereas nondemocracy can occur in 15 different ways (i.e.,
2
4
1 = 15).
The question is whether these 15 different ways of becoming a nondemocracy have
the same causal consequences when introduced into analysis (or, alternatively, are
produced by the same causal factors). For example, when assessing the consequences
of nondemocracy on fertility rates, as Przeworski et al. (2000) do, can we assume that
a country that has zero value on only one of the components performs in the same
way as a country that has a zero value on all four components?
This kind of homogeneity issue is especially important when scholars are work-
ing with dichotomous categories, which is common in case study research. Quite
8


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