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Federalism and Health Care: the Case of Women's Reproductive Health Care |
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Abstract:
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FEDERALISM AND HEALTH CARE: THE CASE OF WOMEN’S REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH CARE
Marian Lief Palley
University of Delaware
By its very nature, a federal structure has the seeds of public policy fragmentation built into it. It has been argued that variability in policy development and implementation can lead to program experimentation and innovation. In fact some scholars argue that important national policies depend heavily on state implementation. Moreover, states do much to shape policy and set the parameters for local implementation of policy. Scholars also point to the fact that states have always played a prominent role in American politics. They initiate programs and they play a central role in the intergovernmental nexus. Despite the growth of the national government and an increased role by the national government in setting public policy in a broad array of policy areas, states’ responsibilities have grown in the past 3 decades and there is more “state-centered” policymaking than there was in the past.
Agranoff and McGuire have identified four models of management in the U.S. intergovernmental system. These are, the top-down model, the donor-recipient model, the jurisdiction-based model and the network model. The network model focuses attention on the actions of multiple governmental and non-governmental players as they pursue joint action and intergovernmental adjustments. There are several programmatic effects that can occur in this type of system, and one of them is fragmentation.
Moreover, fragmentation is likely to be the by-product of a system that is not following a top-down approach. It can also be argued that a federal structure that relies on states to shape policy can lead to “horizontal inequity” – that is geographic inequities, and “vertical inadequacy” – that is unequal quality of services. This is not to say that public policies must be fragmented in a federal system. However, the potential for fragmentation is present and without a focused national policy that follows a top-down approach, fragmentation will likely result. Development of non-fragmented policies are certainly possible in a federal system and in many instances desirable. For example, the Social Security Old Age, Survivors and Disability Insurance (OASDI) program is a national program that adheres to a top-down model of management and thus has national administration and nationally determined contributions and benefits.
The development and the delivery of health care services is a policy area that is rooted in localism and in our federal system, and it is fragmented. Fragmentation of the health care delivery system is the reality despite the fact that there are numerous federal programs and a multitude of federal regulations. The obvious question one should ask is WHY? That is, why is the OASDI program a centrally controlled program without the problems associated with fragmentation and health care delivery wrought with problems associated with federalism run amuck and its associated fragmentation? In this paper one example of health care fragmentation, women’s reproductive heath care, will be considered and the effects of this condition will be assessed. |
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state (123), servic (72), health (62), 0 (60), care (56), nd (54), public (41), 1 (40), women (39), provid (38), 2 (33), contracept (32), feder (32), fund (31), u.s (31), polici (29), plan (28), abort (27), 3 (26), sourc (26), reproduct (24), |
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Name: American Political Science Association URL: http://www.apsanet.org
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Citation:
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MLA Citation:
| Palley, Marian. "Federalism and Health Care: the Case of Women's Reproductive Health Care" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Hyatt Regency Chicago and the Sheraton Chicago Hotel and Towers, Chicago, IL, Aug 30, 2007 <Not Available>. 2011-06-08 <http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p210508_index.html> |
APA Citation:
| Palley, M. L. , 2007-08-30 "Federalism and Health Care: the Case of Women's Reproductive Health Care" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Hyatt Regency Chicago and the Sheraton Chicago Hotel and Towers, Chicago, IL Online <PDF>. 2011-06-08 from http://www.allacademic.com/meta/p210508_index.html |
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript Abstract: FEDERALISM AND HEALTH CARE: THE CASE OF WOMEN’S REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH CARE
Marian Lief Palley
University of Delaware
By its very nature, a federal structure has the seeds of public policy fragmentation built into it. It has been argued that variability in policy development and implementation can lead to program experimentation and innovation. In fact some scholars argue that important national policies depend heavily on state implementation. Moreover, states do much to shape policy and set the parameters for local implementation of policy. Scholars also point to the fact that states have always played a prominent role in American politics. They initiate programs and they play a central role in the intergovernmental nexus. Despite the growth of the national government and an increased role by the national government in setting public policy in a broad array of policy areas, states’ responsibilities have grown in the past 3 decades and there is more “state-centered” policymaking than there was in the past.
Agranoff and McGuire have identified four models of management in the U.S. intergovernmental system. These are, the top-down model, the donor-recipient model, the jurisdiction-based model and the network model. The network model focuses attention on the actions of multiple governmental and non-governmental players as they pursue joint action and intergovernmental adjustments. There are several programmatic effects that can occur in this type of system, and one of them is fragmentation.
Moreover, fragmentation is likely to be the by-product of a system that is not following a top-down approach. It can also be argued that a federal structure that relies on states to shape policy can lead to “horizontal inequity” – that is geographic inequities, and “vertical inadequacy” – that is unequal quality of services. This is not to say that public policies must be fragmented in a federal system. However, the potential for fragmentation is present and without a focused national policy that follows a top-down approach, fragmentation will likely result. Development of non-fragmented policies are certainly possible in a federal system and in many instances desirable. For example, the Social Security Old Age, Survivors and Disability Insurance (OASDI) program is a national program that adheres to a top-down model of management and thus has national administration and nationally determined contributions and benefits.
The development and the delivery of health care services is a policy area that is rooted in localism and in our federal system, and it is fragmented. Fragmentation of the health care delivery system is the reality despite the fact that there are numerous federal programs and a multitude of federal regulations. The obvious question one should ask is WHY? That is, why is the OASDI program a centrally controlled program without the problems associated with fragmentation and health care delivery wrought with problems associated with federalism run amuck and its associated fragmentation? In this paper one example of health care fragmentation, women’s reproductive heath care, will be considered and the effects of this condition will be assessed. |
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4998 |
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| FEDERALISM AND HEALTH CARE: THE CASE OF WOMEN’S REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH CARE Marian Lief Palley University of Delaware Prepared for delivery at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association. Chicago IL August 28 2007. FEDERALISM AND HEALTH CARE: THE CASE OF WOMEN’S REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH CARE By its very nature a federal system has the seeds of public policy fragmentation built into it. It has been argued that variability in policy development and implementation can lead to program experimentation |
| accessed Feb. 2004. Source and survey year for measure(s): Abortion rate (by state of residence) per 1 000 women 15-44 2000 (U.S. and each state) Source: See footnote Source and survey year for measure(s): Total public expenditures for U.S. abortions (000s) FY 2001 (U.S. and each state) State expenditures for U.S. abortions (000s) FY 2001 (U.S. and each state) Number of publicly funded U.S. abortions FY 2001 (U.S. and each state) Source: Sonfield A and Gold RB Public Funding |
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