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"New-Style" Judicial Campaigns and the Legitimacy of State High Courts
Unformatted Document Text:  I present this analysis in a regression format since OLS includes all information typically found in 22 analysis of variance (mainly inferential statistics) as well as measures of the degree of associationbetween the variables. For the details of the distributions of the variables, see Table C.1, in Appendix C. Note that owing to random assignment of respondents to treatment conditions, the independent 23 variables are uncorrelated (and uncorrelated with the equation’s error term) and, as a consequence, theestimates of bivariate and multivariate coefficients are the same. When independent variables areuncorrelated with all other causes of a dependent variable, the bivariate equation is not mis-specified. -15- Analysis Table 3 reports the results from the experiment (among those living in states in which judicial elections take place). So as to be able to clearly compare across institutions, I have reported the results separately 22 for judgments of the state court and state legislature. Two of the manipulations are represented by three conditions; therefore, two dummy variables are necessary to model the effects of those manipulations. The excluded categories are “no contributions” and “no policy promise.” The use of attack ads is a dichotomous condition, which of course can be represented by a single dummy variable. [PLACE TABLE 3 ABOUT HERE] First consider the impact of campaign contributions on legitimacy. For both the state high court 23 and the legislature, the acceptance of campaign contributions significantly detracts from the legitimacy of the institution. Interestingly, however, for courts, it makes a relatively small difference whether the contributions are from a group interested in general policy (â = -.18) or one directly involved in advocating its interests before the institution (â = -.27). The original speculation was that contributions from those with immediate self interests involved would be judged much more harshly than from those with only general policy interests, but the judicial vignette provides only marginal support for that hypothesis. In the legislative context, that hypothesis fails to receive any support whatsoever. In general, both institutions suffer when candidates accept campaign contributions. When it comes to policy commitments from candidates, the differences across institutions are entirely trivial. For candidates for judicial office, neither expressions of policy views nor even policy

Authors: Gibson, James.
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background image
I present this analysis in a regression format since OLS includes all information typically found in
22
analysis of variance (mainly inferential statistics) as well as measures of the degree of association
between the variables. For the details of the distributions of the variables, see Table C.1, in Appendix C.
Note that owing to random assignment of respondents to treatment conditions, the independent
23
variables are uncorrelated (and uncorrelated with the equation’s error term) and, as a consequence, the
estimates of bivariate and multivariate coefficients are the same. When independent variables are
uncorrelated with all other causes of a dependent variable, the bivariate equation is not mis-specified.
-15-
Analysis
Table 3 reports the results from the experiment (among those living in states in which judicial elections
take place). So as to be able to clearly compare across institutions, I have reported the results separately
22
for judgments of the state court and state legislature. Two of the manipulations are represented by three
conditions; therefore, two dummy variables are necessary to model the effects of those manipulations.
The excluded categories are “no contributions” and “no policy promise.” The use of attack ads is a
dichotomous condition, which of course can be represented by a single dummy variable.
[PLACE TABLE 3 ABOUT HERE]
First consider the impact of campaign contributions on legitimacy. For both the state high court
23
and the legislature, the acceptance of campaign contributions significantly detracts from the legitimacy of
the institution. Interestingly, however, for courts, it makes a relatively small difference whether the
contributions are from a group interested in general policy (â = -.18) or one directly involved in
advocating its interests before the institution (â = -.27). The original speculation was that contributions
from those with immediate self interests involved would be judged much more harshly than from those
with only general policy interests, but the judicial vignette provides only marginal support for that
hypothesis. In the legislative context, that hypothesis fails to receive any support whatsoever. In general,
both institutions suffer when candidates accept campaign contributions.
When it comes to policy commitments from candidates, the differences across institutions are
entirely trivial. For candidates for judicial office, neither expressions of policy views nor even policy


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