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Campaign Advertising, Issue Environments, and Latino Political Behavior in 2004 House Elections
Unformatted Document Text:  8 Mexican origin vs. Puerto Rican origin). This problem precludes the use of commonly- employed datasets in the study of political behavior, such as the National Election Study or the General Social Survey. Fortunately, the 2004 National Annenberg Election Survey provides a large, national sample of Latinos, as well as self-reports of behavior on a variety of indicators of political engagement. Importantly, it also contains geo-codes for House districts. Unfortunately, the nature of the dataset limits the analysis. Though the Wisconsin Advertising Project data for the 100 largest U.S. media markets covers more than 80% of the U.S. population, some districts are omitted. Similarly, the sample of individuals self-identifying as Latino or Hispanic in the NAES omits many Congressional districts which have limited or nonexistent Latino populations. The combination of these two limitations results in a final dataset containing slightly more than 2000 observations across 167 different Congressional districts. While these data are not ideally suited to the project, they still provide the ability to initially test the hypotheses, and result in a larger and more comprehensive sample of Latinos than most survey datasets. 3 The principal explanatory variable in the dataset is the measure of total advertisements which featured immigration shown in each Congressional district. This measure ranges from a minimum of 0, for those respondents who lived in districts in which no advertisements featured immigration, to a maximum of 1259, with a mean of 45.7. 4 The remaining explanatory variables fill out a standard model of Latino political participation in the literature, and include political interest, partisan strength, dummies for Cuban, Mexican, and Puerto Rican origin, education, 3 The 2005-2006 Latino National Survey is perhaps ideal for the purposes of the project; it includes a large, nationally representative sample of Latinos with oversamples in states with large Latino populations, it includes a comprehensive battery of questions on political engagement, and its sampling frame spans a period of more significant campaign and media coverage of immigration than the 2004 NAES. Unfortunately, 2005-2006 Wisconsin Advertising Project data are not yet available, and even if they were, the 2005-2006 LNS does not yet have the appropriate geo-codes available. 4 E.g. the district in which 1259 ads featuring immigration were shown was the Colorado 3 rd district race. 26 total respondents in the dataset resided in the Colorado 3 rd .

Authors: Keane, Michael.
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8
Mexican origin vs. Puerto Rican origin). This problem precludes the use of commonly-
employed datasets in the study of political behavior, such as the National Election Study or the
General Social Survey. Fortunately, the 2004 National Annenberg Election Survey provides a
large, national sample of Latinos, as well as self-reports of behavior on a variety of indicators of
political engagement. Importantly, it also contains geo-codes for House districts.
Unfortunately, the nature of the dataset limits the analysis. Though the Wisconsin
Advertising Project data for the 100 largest U.S. media markets covers more than 80% of the
U.S. population, some districts are omitted. Similarly, the sample of individuals self-identifying
as Latino or Hispanic in the NAES omits many Congressional districts which have limited or
nonexistent Latino populations. The combination of these two limitations results in a final
dataset containing slightly more than 2000 observations across 167 different Congressional
districts. While these data are not ideally suited to the project, they still provide the ability to
initially test the hypotheses, and result in a larger and more comprehensive sample of Latinos
than most survey datasets.
3
The principal explanatory variable in the dataset is the measure of total advertisements
which featured immigration shown in each Congressional district. This measure ranges from a
minimum of 0, for those respondents who lived in districts in which no advertisements featured
immigration, to a maximum of 1259, with a mean of 45.7.
4
The remaining explanatory variables
fill out a standard model of Latino political participation in the literature, and include political
interest, partisan strength, dummies for Cuban, Mexican, and Puerto Rican origin, education,
3
The 2005-2006 Latino National Survey is perhaps ideal for the purposes of the project; it includes a large,
nationally representative sample of Latinos with oversamples in states with large Latino populations, it includes a
comprehensive battery of questions on political engagement, and its sampling frame spans a period of more
significant campaign and media coverage of immigration than the 2004 NAES. Unfortunately, 2005-2006
Wisconsin Advertising Project data are not yet available, and even if they were, the 2005-2006 LNS does not yet
have the appropriate geo-codes available.
4
E.g. the district in which 1259 ads featuring immigration were shown was the Colorado 3
rd
district race. 26 total
respondents in the dataset resided in the Colorado 3
rd
.


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