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Darfur: Mass Media Framing of International Intervention, 2003-2007
Unformatted Document Text:  4. Larry Minear and colleagues (1996) identify the same factors, all of which continue to apply to the conflict in Darfur. 5. Sudan is not alone in suffering from with what Susan Moeller has termed Acompassion fatigue.@ (1999, 126-129) The factors leading to compassion fatigue are shared by other conflicts. For example, Soderlund and Briggs reached similar conclusions regarding the relatively scant media coverage of the renewal of the Angolan Civil War in 1999. The long duration of that war (dating from 1975), likewise appeared to contribute to a sense of the intractable nature of that conflict (in press, Chapter 10). 6. Glen Ford points out as well the preferential media treatment of Darfur in comparison with the far more devastating crisis in eastern region of the Democratic Republic of Congo (2007, July 18). 7. A fifth dimension investigated is similarity in language, operationalized in the concept of Asemantic networks.@ 8. Interestingly, neither the words Aintervention@ nor Apeacekeeping@ appear among the top fifty words used in either newspaper. AInternational@ ranked 16 th in New York Times coverage and 7 th in Globe and Mail coverage, while Agenocide@ ranked 9 th and 17 th respectively. A Humanitarian@ ranked 27 th in Globe and Mail coverage, while it did not place in the top fifty for New York Times coverage (see Kim et. al. 2007). 9. Violence had been a reality of life in Darfur for thirty over years, beginning with the “spill-over” of the civil war in Chad. Gérard Prunier notes that the December 30, 2002 rebel attack that killed eleven Sudanese police can be seen as the beginning of the rebellion. Most scholars, however, mark February 26, 2003, when a rebel force of 3,000 killed 200 Sudanese soldiers as the start of the Darfur crisis (2005, 92; see also Flint and de Waal, 2005). 10. There is obviously far more to this study than we have been able to present in this paper. For those interested in the development of the “responsibility to protect” doctrine and an evaluation of its potential effectiveness in dealing with Darfur, a placing of the crisis in the context of Sudanese and regional political/military history, plus a full analysis of both newspaper and television coverage of Darfur, stay tuned for our book The Humanitarian Crisis in Darfur: Media Framing and International Intervention, which is presently nearing completion and in search of a publisher. 11. Tapes of stories were furnished by the Vanderbilt Archive as they were recorded off air. The Archive bears no responsibility for any of the coding we have done nor for any conclusions that we have reached. 12. Television news coding was the product of consensus among the authors. Intercoder reliability for material appearing in The New York Times was established at 88% (see Holsti, 1969, 140). 13. Three stories that dealt with Ms. Rice’s visit in the summer of 2005, and while they 27

Authors: Sidahmed, Abdel., Briggs, E.. and Soderlund, Walter.
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4. Larry Minear and colleagues (1996) identify the same factors, all of which continue to
apply to the conflict in Darfur.
5. Sudan is not alone in suffering from with what Susan Moeller has termed Acompassion
fatigue.@ (1999, 126-129) The factors leading to compassion fatigue are shared by other
conflicts. For example, Soderlund and Briggs reached similar conclusions regarding the
relatively scant media coverage of the renewal of the Angolan Civil War in 1999. The long
duration of that war (dating from 1975), likewise appeared to contribute to a sense of the
intractable nature of that conflict (in press, Chapter 10).
6. Glen Ford points out as well the preferential media treatment of Darfur in comparison
with the far more devastating crisis in eastern region of the Democratic Republic of Congo
(2007, July 18).

7. A fifth dimension investigated is similarity in language, operationalized in the concept
of Asemantic networks.@
8. Interestingly, neither the words Aintervention@ nor Apeacekeeping@ appear among the
top fifty words used in either newspaper. AInternational@ ranked 16
th
in New York Times
coverage and 7
th
in Globe and Mail coverage, while Agenocide@ ranked 9
th
and 17
th
respectively.
A
Humanitarian@ ranked 27
th
in Globe and Mail coverage, while it did not place in the top fifty
for New York Times coverage (see Kim et. al. 2007).
9. Violence had been a reality of life in Darfur for thirty over years, beginning with the
“spill-over” of the civil war in Chad. Gérard Prunier notes that the December 30, 2002 rebel
attack that killed eleven Sudanese police can be seen as the beginning of the rebellion. Most
scholars, however, mark February 26, 2003, when a rebel force of 3,000 killed 200 Sudanese
soldiers as the start of the Darfur crisis (2005, 92; see also Flint and de Waal, 2005).
10. There is obviously far more to this study than we have been able to present in this
paper. For those interested in the development of the “responsibility to protect” doctrine and an
evaluation of its potential effectiveness in dealing with Darfur, a placing of the crisis in the
context of Sudanese and regional political/military history, plus a full analysis of both
newspaper and television coverage of Darfur, stay tuned for our book The Humanitarian Crisis
in Darfur:
Media Framing and International Intervention, which is presently nearing completion
and in search of a publisher.
11. Tapes of stories were furnished by the Vanderbilt Archive as they were recorded off
air. The Archive bears no responsibility for any of the coding we have done nor for any
conclusions that we have reached.
12. Television news coding was the product of consensus among the authors. Intercoder
reliability for material appearing in The New York Times was established at 88% (see Holsti,
1969, 140).
13. Three stories that dealt with Ms. Rice’s visit in the summer of 2005, and while they
27


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