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Gender (im)Balances in Local Politics in Norway: Hindrances to Leadership
Unformatted Document Text:  0 20 40 60 80 100 Kr sand Arendal Søgne Dovre Sel Lom men's proportions at local political arena, percentage communitycouncil communitycabinet local powerpositions Empirical resultsThe presentations of the results fall into two parts:I) we follow Rokkan’s explanatory models on context and try to find contextual measures on the level of municipalities. Here we use data from the questionnaire on power positions to administrative leaders in all 431 municipalities (N=215). II) We focus on the gendered opportunity structures for recruitment, nomination and election and finally in the negotiations on power (re)distributions. The research question here: How do we understand the systematic differences between gender balance and gender power balance in our six municipalities? I Contextual explanatory model In this paper we (still) have to use data on gender power distributions from the last election period (2003-07). We have not (yet) all necessary data for the new election period (2007-2011) in place. The point of departure for our explanatory model is the distribution of power positions in municipal politics as illustrated in figure 5, relating to the 40/60 equality definition. We present a picture of men (blue) and women (red) holding top positions Figure 4: Gender power distributions, 2003-2007 municipal level. Percentages (Translation of positions in figure from top down: leaders of important committees, leaders of central committees, party group leaders, deputy mayor and mayor) Kilde: Vegard Johansen, ØF, 2006, Van der Ros, Johansen & Guldvik 2008) Only the distribution of deputy mayors came in 2003 close to a distribution of the so-called ideal 40/60 ratio. All other leading power positions at the local political scene are strongly male dominated and, we may add: dominated by white, hetero-orientated (probably), middle age and middle class males. 13 of 29

Authors: van der Ros, Janneke.
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background image
0
20
40
60
80
100
Kr sand Arendal Søgne
Dovre
Sel
Lom
men's proportions at local political arena,
percentage
community
council
community
cabinet
local power
positions
Empirical results
The presentations of the results fall into two parts:
I) we follow Rokkan’s explanatory models on context and try to find contextual measures on
the level of municipalities. Here we use data from the questionnaire on power positions to
administrative leaders in all 431 municipalities (N=215).
II) We focus on the gendered opportunity structures for recruitment, nomination and election
and finally in the negotiations on power (re)distributions. The research question here: How do
we understand the systematic differences between gender balance and gender power balance
in our six municipalities?
I
Contextual explanatory model
In this paper we (still) have to use data on gender power distributions from the last election
period (2003-07). We have not (yet) all necessary data for the new election period
(2007-2011) in place. The point of departure for our explanatory model is the distribution of
power positions in municipal politics as illustrated in figure 5, relating to the 40/60 equality
definition. We present a picture of men (blue) and women (red) holding top positions
Figure 4: Gender power distributions, 2003-2007 municipal level. Percentages
(Translation of positions in figure from top down: leaders of important committees, leaders of central
committees, party group leaders, deputy mayor and mayor)
Kilde: Vegard Johansen, ØF, 2006, Van der Ros, Johansen & Guldvik 2008)
Only the distribution of deputy mayors came in 2003 close to a distribution of the so-called
ideal 40/60 ratio. All other leading power positions at the local political scene are strongly
male dominated and, we may add: dominated by white, hetero-orientated (probably), middle
age and middle class males.
13 of 29


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