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A Comparative Analysis of Associations of Governors in Argentina and Mexico
Unformatted Document Text:  13 Using this leverage, the Front was able to secure access to institutional positions of power for its most prominent members. The Front was able, for example, to successfully push the candidacy of Sen. Puerta as provisional president of the Senate. Later, in the process that followed the resignation of De la Rua, Puerta became decisive for the naming of Governor Rodriguez Saa, one of the most prominent members of the Front, as the provisional President of the country for a few days in December 2001. 14 Unlike the Conago in Mexico, which was able to break party lines and now assembles governors from all political parties, the Front failed to incorporate non-peronist governors. Even though informal meetings and contacts between governors members of the Front and those partisans of the UCR (especially from small provinces like Chaco) became more frequent as the economic situation deteriorated, governors from the UCR and those from small provincial parties never joined the association formally (Arisó and Jacobo 2002). Most likely, the absence of clear rules for decision-making within the Front was decisive in preventing the organization to grow beyond party lines. The problems derived from this lack of institutionalization became clearer once the Peronists regained the presidency after the collapse of De la Rua. In a context of high political instability and fragmentation, the Front failed to control President Rodriguez Saa, who claimed autonomy from those who had helped him to take office. Differences between governors in the Front deepened and most opted for one-to-one negotiations with the federation, which permitted President Duhalde to strengthen his authority, and clearly signaled the decline of the Front. 15 As an organization, the Mexican Conago evolved in a striking different manner than the Front. Thus, the second part of this section is devoted to the mode of operation of the Conago and the procedural rules that have made possible to maintain cooperation between governors. The principal organs of the Conago are the Plenary of Governors and standing committees devoted to particular areas of interest. In this section, in addition, 14 The importance and consequences of both moves will be further discussed in the next section. 15 It is interesting to mention that three prominent members of the Front played decisive roles in the 2003 presidential elections: Nestor Kirchner, governor of Santa Cruz, ran for presidential and ended up victorious after former president Menem decided not to participate; Juan Carlos Romero, governor of Salta, joined the ticket of Menem as vice-president candidate; finally, Adolfo Rodriguez Saa, governor of San Luis, competed for the presidency as well.

Authors: Flamand, Laura. and Juan, Olmeda.
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13
Using this leverage, the Front was able to secure access to institutional positions of
power for its most prominent members. The Front was able, for example, to successfully
push the candidacy of Sen. Puerta as provisional president of the Senate. Later, in the
process that followed the resignation of De la Rua, Puerta became decisive for the
naming of Governor Rodriguez Saa, one of the most prominent members of the Front, as
the provisional President of the country for a few days in December 2001.
14
Unlike the Conago in Mexico, which was able to break party lines and now assembles
governors from all political parties, the Front failed to incorporate non-peronist
governors. Even though informal meetings and contacts between governors members of
the Front and those partisans of the UCR (especially from small provinces like Chaco)
became more frequent as the economic situation deteriorated, governors from the UCR
and those from small provincial parties never joined the association formally (Arisó and
Jacobo 2002). Most likely, the absence of clear rules for decision-making within the Front
was decisive in preventing the organization to grow beyond party lines.
The problems derived from this lack of institutionalization became clearer once the
Peronists regained the presidency after the collapse of De la Rua. In a context of high
political instability and fragmentation, the Front failed to control President Rodriguez Saa,
who claimed autonomy from those who had helped him to take office. Differences
between governors in the Front deepened and most opted for one-to-one negotiations
with the federation, which permitted President Duhalde to strengthen his authority, and
clearly signaled the decline of the Front.
15
As an organization, the Mexican Conago evolved in a striking different manner than
the Front. Thus, the second part of this section is devoted to the mode of operation of the
Conago and the procedural rules that have made possible to maintain cooperation
between governors. The principal organs of the Conago are the Plenary of Governors and
standing committees devoted to particular areas of interest.
In this section, in addition,
14
The importance and consequences of both moves will be further discussed in the next section.
15
It is interesting to mention that three prominent members of the Front played decisive roles in the 2003 presidential
elections: Nestor Kirchner, governor of Santa Cruz, ran for presidential and ended up victorious after former president
Menem decided not to participate; Juan Carlos Romero, governor of Salta, joined the ticket of Menem as vice-president
candidate; finally, Adolfo Rodriguez Saa, governor of San Luis, competed for the presidency as well.


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