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Janus-faced Social Movements: Factors that Influence the Choice of Non-violent over Violent Tactics in Political Movements
Unformatted Document Text:  the other hand, there is exponentially growing popular support for the movement across sectarian divides both domestically and to a lesser extent, internationally. These political divisions mirror the clear division of its support: while there is a fairly strong attempt to limit this movement, these attempts has been limited to a few key international players. Generally, HAMAS has been able to keep a funding and diplomatic base able to maintain and even expand operations, in no little part due to the symbolic power of the Palestinian story in the Arab world. HAMAS provides a number of services to the Palestinian population in lieu of a viable or capable state. These activities are tied to funding sources directly in this case, as in the previous example. The patronage that it receives comes from more varied sources, but often the monies have been earmarked either for services or fighting the occupation. Intermittent support from Europe, expatriates, moderate Arab states and NGO’s have provided the funding for HAMAS to provide schools, healthcare, etc. to the population. However, the reliability of these sources vary, along with their assigned monies, thus affecting services that the organization can provide. A brief comparison of the effects of the two great Palestinian uprisings (intifada) will illustrate how international and domestic support for HAMAS and other Palestinian groups swings. Due to a fairly consistent media presence with empathetic reporting and a strong-armed IDF response, the first intifada (mainly non-violent) particularly gained broad international support for the plight of the Palestinians, translating into increasing funding for all groups, including fledgling HAMAS. Public opinion—both domestic and international—swung greatly in favor of Palestine, specifically HAMAS during this time. However, the more violent overtures of the second intifada have seen more intermittent international support, dividing patronage into specifically militant or grassroots channels. Domestic support, though relatively higher, is not as stable or consistent as that found in the first intifada (Robinson 2004). The increase in political support for HAMAS, born 25

Authors: Graham, Leah.
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the other hand, there is exponentially growing popular support for the movement across sectarian
divides both domestically and to a lesser extent, internationally. These political divisions mirror the
clear division of its support: while there is a fairly strong attempt to limit this movement, these
attempts has been limited to a few key international players. Generally, HAMAS has been able to
keep a funding and diplomatic base able to maintain and even expand operations, in no little part
due to the symbolic power of the Palestinian story in the Arab world.
HAMAS provides a number of services to the Palestinian population in lieu of a viable or
capable state. These activities are tied to funding sources directly in this case, as in the previous
example. The patronage that it receives comes from more varied sources, but often the monies have
been earmarked either for services or fighting the occupation. Intermittent support from Europe,
expatriates, moderate Arab states and NGO’s have provided the funding for HAMAS to provide
schools, healthcare, etc. to the population. However, the reliability of these sources vary, along
with their assigned monies, thus affecting services that the organization can provide.
A brief comparison of the effects of the two great Palestinian uprisings (intifada) will
illustrate how international and domestic support for HAMAS and other Palestinian groups swings.
Due to a fairly consistent media presence with empathetic reporting and a strong-armed IDF
response, the first intifada (mainly non-violent) particularly gained broad international support for
the plight of the Palestinians, translating into increasing funding for all groups, including fledgling
HAMAS. Public opinion—both domestic and international—swung greatly in favor of Palestine,
specifically HAMAS during this time. However, the more violent overtures of the second intifada
have seen more intermittent international support, dividing patronage into specifically militant or
grassroots channels. Domestic support, though relatively higher, is not as stable or consistent as
that found in the first intifada (Robinson 2004). The increase in political support for HAMAS, born
25


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