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Kosovo's Post-Independence Inter-Clan Conflict
Unformatted Document Text:  6 Yugoslavia disintegrated, attempts of weak leaders to use violence as a tool of manipulation, as well as population’s fear of victimization have powerful causal influence on ethnic conflict. 23 Jeffrey Ross proposes another model for the rise of ethnic violence. Two causal mechanisms work simultaneously. First, the existence of social, cultural, historical and economic discontent and the presence of a culture of protest and violence, which are mutually reinforcing, fuel perceived or real grievances. 24 Second, the failure of a counter- terrorism organization creates opportunities for the organizational development of terrorism and the trafficking and stockpiling of weapons and explosives. 25 When traditional channels for resolving social and political discontent do not address popular grievances, some people find an outlet for the expression of their grievances through powerful terrorist organizations. This complex interplay of factors then results in violence against a particular identity group. The Ross model, when applied to Kosovo, could explain the inter-clan violence that is likely to erupt after independence. The existing social, cultural, historical and economic discontent today is in relation to (1) the unresolved status, (2) the still large number of missing persons, and (3) Kosovo’s “occupation” by UNMIK. It is likely that after independence, the issue of missing persons will still drive popular unrest. After independence, the discontent associated with the “foreign occupation” will partially decrease. Discontent towards the international presence in Kosovo will continue as an international authority is likely to remain in charge of minority affairs and external borders. 26 Furthermore, as evidenced during the March 2004 riots and, more recently, during the 2006 attacks against UNMIK Headquarters and the Assembly of Kosovo, a culture of protest does exist in Kosovo, and it is likely to continue after independence. 27 Similarly, the culture of violence enshrined in the Code of Leke Dukagjini will continue long after independence. Not only is the Code a basis for social interaction, but unless a new Anton Cetta and a new reconciliation movement come into existence, Kosovo’s social and political life will continue to be marred by blood feuds. Furthermore, the law enforcement authorities’ attempt to counter terrorist activities in Kosovo has completely failed. Adjusted to the particularities of Kosovo, the Ross model’s definition of terrorism could be redefined to mean violence perpetrated by the Kosovo Albanian mafia in order to either protect its territory of operation or to supply resources and materials to other mafias. Porous borders and clan politics diffusion 23 Rui de Figueiredo and Barry Weingast, “The Rationality of Fear: Political Opportunism and Ethnic Conflict,” at pp. 271-275. 24 Jeffrey Ross, “The Rise and Decline of Quebecois Separatist Terrorism,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, (Volume18, Issue 4), 1995, at p. 291. 25 Jeffrey Ross, “The Rise and Decline of Quebecois Separatist Terrorism,” at p. 288. 26 The final status option for Kosovo is likely to be conditional independence. Independence will be granted but an international institution will remain in charge of minority affairs and external borders for a period of time. 27 Southeast European Times, “UNMIK Headquarters in Pristina Attacked by Protesters,” 29 November 2006. Available online at http://www.setimes.com/cocoon/setimes/xhtml/en_GB/features/setimes/features/2006/11/29/feature-01 .

Authors: Kaltcheva, Tzvetomira.
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6
Yugoslavia disintegrated, attempts of weak leaders to use violence as a tool of
manipulation, as well as population’s fear of victimization have powerful causal
influence on ethnic conflict.
23
Jeffrey Ross proposes another model for the rise of ethnic violence. Two causal
mechanisms work simultaneously. First, the existence of social, cultural, historical and
economic discontent and the presence of a culture of protest and violence, which are
mutually reinforcing, fuel perceived or real grievances.
24
Second, the failure of a counter-
terrorism organization creates opportunities for the organizational development of
terrorism and the trafficking and stockpiling of weapons and explosives.
25
When
traditional channels for resolving social and political discontent do not address popular
grievances, some people find an outlet for the expression of their grievances through
powerful terrorist organizations. This complex interplay of factors then results in violence
against a particular identity group.
The Ross model, when applied to Kosovo, could explain the inter-clan violence
that is likely to erupt after independence. The existing social, cultural, historical and
economic discontent today is in relation to (1) the unresolved status, (2) the still large
number of missing persons, and (3) Kosovo’s “occupation” by UNMIK. It is likely that
after independence, the issue of missing persons will still drive popular unrest. After
independence, the discontent associated with the “foreign occupation” will partially
decrease. Discontent towards the international presence in Kosovo will continue as an
international authority is likely to remain in charge of minority affairs and external
borders.
26
Furthermore, as evidenced during the March 2004 riots and, more recently,
during the 2006 attacks against UNMIK Headquarters and the Assembly of Kosovo, a
culture of protest does exist in Kosovo, and it is likely to continue after independence.
27
Similarly, the culture of violence enshrined in the Code of Leke Dukagjini will continue
long after independence. Not only is the Code a basis for social interaction, but unless a
new Anton Cetta and a new reconciliation movement come into existence, Kosovo’s
social and political life will continue to be marred by blood feuds.
Furthermore, the law enforcement authorities’ attempt to counter terrorist
activities in Kosovo has completely failed. Adjusted to the particularities of Kosovo, the
Ross model’s definition of terrorism could be redefined to mean violence perpetrated by
the Kosovo Albanian mafia in order to either protect its territory of operation or to supply
resources and materials to other mafias. Porous borders and clan politics diffusion
23
Rui de Figueiredo and Barry Weingast, “The Rationality of Fear: Political
Opportunism and Ethnic Conflict,” at pp. 271-275.
24
Jeffrey Ross, “The Rise and Decline of Quebecois Separatist Terrorism,” Studies in
Conflict and Terrorism, (Volume18, Issue 4), 1995, at p. 291.
25
Jeffrey Ross, “The Rise and Decline of Quebecois Separatist Terrorism,” at p. 288.
26
The final status option for Kosovo is likely to be conditional independence.
Independence will be granted but an international institution will remain in charge of
minority affairs and external borders for a period of time.
27
Southeast European Times, “UNMIK Headquarters in Pristina Attacked by Protesters,”
29 November 2006. Available online at
http://www.setimes.com/cocoon/setimes/xhtml/en_GB/features/setimes/features/2006/11/
29/feature-01
.


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